UNIVERSITY OF ZULULAND THE REIGN OF KING MPANDE AND HIS RELATIONS WITH THE REPUBLIC OF NATALIA AND ITS SUCCESSOR, THE BRITISH COLONY OF NATAL MAXWELL ZAKHELE SHAMASE THE REIGN OF KING MPANDE AND illS RELATIONS WITH THE REPUBUC OF NATALIA AND ITS SUCCESSOR, THE BRITISH COLONY OF NATAL BY MAXWELL ZAKHELE SHAMASE (SSTD, B.PAED, BAHONS, MA) A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department ofHistory at the University of Zululand PROMOTER DATE SUBMITTED : PROF. 1. DE VILLIERS 3 1 OCTOBER 1999 (i) CONTENTS Declaration Quotation Acknowledgements Abstract Opsomming Dedication Abbreviation INTRODUCTION CHAPTER ONE: An Outline of the Zulu Dynasty CHAPTER TWO: The Rise and Reign of King Mpande CHAPTER THREE: Mpande's Military Expeditions CHAPTER FOUR: Mpande's Relations with the Republic ofNatalia CHAPTER FIVE: Mpande's Ties with the British at Natal CHAPTER SIX: Mpande's Acquaintance with the Missionaries CHAPTER SEVEN: Mpande amidst the Civil War CHAPTER EIGHT: The Legacy of Mpande - An Evaluation SOURCES APPENDIX ONE: A Genealogy of the house of Mpande APPENDIX TWO: Translation of Mpande's Praises (Izibongo) .. PAGES U! IV v 14 28 29 30 43 66 79 98 153 195 220 238 264 279 280 (ii) MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS The Battle ofMaqongqo, C.1840 King Mpande Ka Senzangakbona Mpande's Cession to the Klip River Senlers, January 1854 Mpande's Cession to the Utrecht Settlers, Septemher 1854 Mission stations in Mpandes time, C.1871 The battle ofNdondakusuka, C.1856 Northern Nguni clans in Mpande's time, C.1854 65 67 128 149 202 231 262 (iii) DECLARAnON I declare that: The Reign of King Mpande and his Relations with the Republic of Natalia and its Successor, the British Colony of Natal, is a product of my effort, both in conception and execution, and all sources I have used have been appropriately acknowledged. M.Z. SHAMASE KWA-DLANGEZWA (iv) QUOTATION "A VISIOn III Ignorance IS a VISIOn unaccomplished. A vision in ignorance is a vision doomed for failure. A person with a vision does not talk the walk, but walks the talk. The future is for those who believe in the beauty of their dreams." Pastor Ezekiel Mathole, Soweto, 28 November 1998. (v) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I wish to thank the following institutions and persons for the support they have given in the preparation and completion of this research project: the Human Sciences Research Council for providing funds to undertake this research; Uzulu Collection staff of the University of Zululand Library for support they gave throughout this project; Pietermaritzburg and Pretoria State Archives' personnel for willingness to guide me on how to use archival sources; Commonwealth Gallery of London University for supplying me with data on colonial relations with Southern Africa not available in South Africa; Ulundi, Pretoria State and Public Libraries for furnishing me with information relevant to this project; Or. LTL Maboea, an .author, educationist and philosopher for his encouragements in times of doubt. One cannot forget Professor l. de Villiers, my research promoter and mentor, for his detailed and prompt examination of my chapters as well as numerous suggestions to improve my style and presentation and the sacrifice of many an hour to deal with queries; My household members for standing by me in difficult episodes; Mrs. A.l. Maynard of Empangeni High School for translating both Dutch and Afrikaans documents for purposes of this (vi) research; Miss Melanie Robinson of Working World for professionally typing this magnum opus. Finally, I would like to humble myself before the Almighty God of the Heavens who in Eternity knew that such a one as Maxwell Zakhele Shamase would one-day walk on the face of this earth. The Book of Joshua 1:8 - 9 from the Holy Bible's New International Version is the reason why I have gone this far: "Do not let this Book of the Law depart from your mouth; meditate on it day and night, so that you may be careful to do everything written in it. Then you will be prosperous and successful... Be strong and courageous. Do not be terrified, do not be discouraged, for the Lord your God will be with you wherever you go." -1- ABSTRACT King Mpande Ka Senzangakhona was the third in successIOn III the dynasty of "martial" Zulu potentates whose military valour transformed small clans into a single powerful nation. The evolvement of the ideal of nationhood among the Zulu people ruled by Mpande had its origin in the praises of his father Senzangakhona Ka lama. When the specialist declaimer of praises said that, "a cord of destiny let us weave, 0 Menzi scion of lama, That to universes beyond the reach of spirit-forms, we may ascend"', he was indicating that Zulus were people whose destiny was to traverse the universe and transform the human being into a conscious citizen of the cosmic order (in South-east Africa). King Shaka, Mpande's half-brother, adopted the ideal of this court-poet as the main inspiration of the revolution which he led after the death of Senzangakhona. It was the ideological blueprint on which he built the Zulu nation. Born in about 1798 Mpande was the son of Senzangakhona and queen Songiya of the Hlabisa clan. The Zulu lineage largely begotten by Dingizwe: "Zulus were welded together by spear and blood", ef. Sowetan, 16 January 1984, pA. -2- Mpande, the first king to have children, became a royal group with high status. Mpande decreed that all children begotten by members of the Zulu royal family be referred to as abantwana (princes and princesses). Nevertheless, Mpande began on a very precarious footing. In his youth he was plagued by umchoboka (skin dermatitis). His predecessors and contemporaries viewed him as indolent, inept, obese and even cowardly. Most historical accounts referred to Mpande's inferior genealogical status, cowardice, physical and mental deficiencies. On the contrary, Mpande was a recruited wamor and had been incorporated into the regiments on the death of Senzangakhona in 1816. He retained a submissive role during the next few years, thereby creating an impression that he would not contend for the kingship. The source of Mpande's strength could be traced from his name. It comes from a Zulu word impande meaning "root". The symbolic meaning of a root is that it is a source of life. In Senzangakhona's calculations Mpande was to be the source, strength and growth of the nation. This bore truth in that Zulu potentates whose genius earned the nation dignity and pride, descended from his direct line. It could be that Senzangakhona had a premonition of his son's reign by naming him Mpande. King Shaka also gave Mpande the responsibility of fathering a -3- son. This could be viewed as an underlying factor in Mpande's becoming a natural successor to the Zulu throne. By 1837, Mpande had built up a substantial personal following living with him at Mlambongwenya homestead of his father in the Eshowe district. Here he lived a peaceful life fearless of possible invasion from adversaries. It also precluded his half-brother Dingane from embarking upon the same kind of purges as he did against his other half-brothers and potential rivals. Mpande became king of the Zulu nation in 1840 and while he reigned during the epoch that was devoid of full-scale conventional wars, he had to live through times when sporadic attacks were the rallying point of relations between members of the Nguni-speaking communities such as Xhosa, Swazi and Mpondo. Unlike his progenitors Mpande waged few wars abroad. He dispatched Zulu regiments to raid the cattle of the Swazi, Bapedi, Hlubi, AmaNgwe and Abak'WaNkosi. Mpande also intervened in a succession dispute in Maputoland. The style of Mpande's military expeditions was not different to that of his predecessors. His campaigns were followed up. with a re-vitalization of the Shakan amabutho (regiments) control system and building of new -4- amakhanda (establishment erected and occupied by the amabutho, containing in addition a harem) around his palace of Nodwengu. In the late 1840's the success of Mpande's military campaigns was restricted by sporadic interference by both the Voortrekkers and the British ofNatal. Relations between Mpande and the Voortrekkers of the Republic of Natalia began on 15 January 1839 when Mpande met the Voortrekker leaders on the banks of Thukela River. The head of the Volksraad, Andries Pretorius engaged in cordial conversation with Mpande. Pretorius realised that declaring Voortrekker friendship with Mpande would ensure their security against possible invasion from the north of Thukela. Such declaration laid the foundation for the battle of Maqongqo hills, which took place on 29 January 1840. In that war, the regiments of Dingane were defeated by those ofMpande. After a protracted battle at Maqongqo, (29 January 1840) Andries Pretorius and some members of the Volksraad arranged a meeting with Mpande. They met Mpande on 10 February 1840 and installed him as king. This happened after the Zulu nation had already crowned him king on 5 February 1840. He was persuaded to take an oath before the Volksraad, acknowledging the supremacy of the Volksraad, undertaking to rule KwaZulu in peace and maintaining cordial relations with the Voortrekkers. Mpande was then honoured with a praise name, "Prince of the Emigrant Zulus". In acceptance of the terms of friendship and defence between himself and the Voortrekkers Mpande said, "If one would do anything to your disfavour or disadvantage, you can only let me know and be assured that I will hurry to your assistance with my whole army and I will sacrifice my last men for you.'" On 14 February 1840 Pretorius issued a proclamation whereby the territory from the sea next to the Black Mfolozi River, where it ran through the double mountains, close to the origin and then next to Hooge Randberg in a straight line to the Drakensberg, St. Lucia Bay inclusive was declared as border between KwaZulu and the Republic of Natalia. On the banks of the Klip River the Voortrekkers received about 36 000 head of cattle looted after the Maqongqo battle. They received an additional 15 000 head of cattle from Mpande as a token of allegiance. The Voortrekkers, convinced of Mpande's cordial disposition, agreed not to interfere with his domestic affairs. This was with the proviso that Mpande keep to the agreements regarding humanitarian principles aimed at preventing unnecessary bloodshed. , H. Slander: "Die Vemouding tussen die Boere en Zooloe tot die dood van Mpande in 1872", p.256; De Zuid Afrikaan, 17 April 1840, p.6. -6- During Mpande's kingship a plethora of Zulu refugees flocked to Natal south of Thukela. About 3 000 displaced Zulus and other Africans stayed in the vicinity of the harbour before the arrival of the Voortrekkers. The Voortrekkers grouped them into no less than six regional reserves. They were defecting from Mpande's rule and refused to go back to KwaZulu. With the increase of Zulu homesteads in Natal it became imperative for the Volksraad (Legislative body) of the Republic of Natalia to threaten to inflict capital punishment on those who refused to be sent back to KwaZulu. The second British occupation of Natal (1842) took place before the Republic could execute its plan. The Voortrekker plan included moving Zulu refugees to an area opposite Mzinyathi or between Mthamvuna and Mzimvubu Rivers. They could rule themselves, but as subjects ofthe Republic and a Voortrekker agent would oversee their affairs. The Cape Governor George Napier argued that the territory between Mzimvubu and Mzimkhulu Rivers had been ceded by inkosi (Chiet) FaJ...'U of the Mpondo to the British sovereign. He regarded it as their special task to protect the Zulus to whom he pledged "every conceivable virtue" against the Voortrekkers whom he thought intended evil due to their previous unauthorised emigration from the colony and subsequent clashes -7- with Mzilikazi and Dingane. Napier had to strengthen the bond between the Natal colony and Natal Zulus through special agents and missionaries. He received authorisation from Imperial Minister, Lord John Russell to resume the military occupation ofNatal. The negotiations, which the Voortrekkers entered into with Napier, were challenged by the proclamation of 2 December 1841. It announced the British re-occupation of Natal and claimed that the Voortrekkers were actually British renegade subjects. The proclamation also contained accusations of Voortrekker maltreatment of Mpande's subjects in Natal. The conflict between the Voortrekkers and the British had an adverse effect on relations between Mpande and the Republic of Natalia. The Republic of Natalia was subjected to Colonel A.J. Cloete on 15 July 1842. The Voortrekkers were compelled to surrender to the British due to Mpande's promise of future assistance to the British. Cloete gave Mpande the impression that the British occupation of Natal was the defeat of the Voortrekker power to which the Zulus owed their vassalage. Mpande appeared to be pleased with the British occupation of Natal. In 1842 Mpande concluded a border agreement with the British to settle land claims from the sources of Mzinyathi (Buffalo) to its junction with the Thukela. -8- In June 1843 Mpande realised that the influx of Zulu refugees into Natal weakened his authority. He requested the British to send the refugees and their cattle back to KwaZulu. The British ignored Mpande's plea and the request by the Voortrekkers that Zulu refugees be kept in locations. Next Mpande turned to the Voortrekkers who still remained in Natal and both parties agreed that Zulu refugees caused displeasure for their administrations. In 1840 there were only about 2 000 - 3 000 Zulu refugees in Natal, but by 1843 they had increased to no less than 50000. The Zulu king denied that he had given up the area between Thukela and Mzinyathi Rivers to the British. Mpande wanted to pursue a moderate and more peaceful diplomacy. He welcomed the Voortrekkers as a buffer between his kingdom and the British. To determine the border between the Voortrekkers and the Zulus, Mpande sent a few of his headmen to the Voortrekkers. It was agreed that the whole area up to the Mzinyathi River would be occupied by the Voortrekkers. However, the British lieutenant governor Benjamin Pine viewed Mpande as a monarch with a double-agenda. He believed that Mpande promoted his own case with the ulterior object of creating dissension between the Voortrekkers and the British. Mpande wished to enter into a defensive military treaty with the Voortrekkers. This was prompted by Zulu refugees in Natal who wanted Mpande deposed and -9- incriminated the British authorities of indifference to Mpande's alleged persecution of Zulus in KwaZulu. Mpande was also infuriated by the prolonged protection the British gave to Zulu refugees. Thus, Mpande gave permission to some Voortrekkers to occupy land strategically situated at Klip River and Utrecht to resist possible British military offensives. Simultaneously he pledged allegiance to the British colonial establishment in Natal by denying co-operation with the local Voortrekkers. This brought about conflict between the British and the Voortrekkers. William Harding, the British Surveyor-General, concluded that Mpande had practiced the grossest deceit towards the British government and that his proceedings with reference to the Voortrekkers amounted to the crime of deliberate fraud. But, Mpande extended a hand of friendship to the British colonial establishment in Natal. He diplomatically refused to give the British military assistance during the conflict with the Voortrekkers in 1842. Mpande said: "No, you are now fighting for the upperhand, and whichever gains must be my master"). The Zulu king did not assist either party, but as soon as the British troops proved themselves to be in power he sent emissaries to Colonel Cloete to say that he was about to march against the Voortrekkers. -10- Mpande objected to British hunters and traders entering KwaZulu. He also pressed for the return of cattle that Zulu refugees took when they left his kingdom. Mpande's emissaries argued that the British had promised to return the cattle, but that only a hundred had been delivered. Mpande further expressed his need for firearms and the British troops to check Swazi provocations in the north of KwaZulu. The colonial establishment in Natal promised to ensure that no one interpose between the Zulus and the British. The British pleaded ignorance of the arrangement regarding cattle, but conceded the necessity to regulate traders entering the king's domains. The British Imperialists regarded the Zulu kingdom as a menace, but were hamstrung when Mpande reaffirmed his loyalty to them. Mpande also abandoned plans for an alliance with the Voortrekkers. By pledging his support to the British, Mpande also did not necessarily cease his encouragement of the remaining Voortrekkers south of the Thukela. He hoped that keeping alive British-Voortrekker enmity would serve his own interests. The encounters between Mpande and various Christian missionaries were presaged by sporadic attacks on mission stations by his predecessor 3 G.M. Theal: The Republic ofNatalia, p.39. -11- Dingane. Mpande was not unfavourably disposed to missionary work. He gave the American Board of Commissioners, English Wesleyan Methodist Society, Norwegian Mission, Berlin Mission, Hanoverian Mission, Church of England and Roman Catholic Mission permission to settle in KwaZulu to present the Christian gospel to the Zulu people. The strategy of winning the Zulu nation en masse to Christianity through Mpande's court did bear positive fruits. The fundamental ethical, metaphysical and social ideas of the Zulu people were disputed by doctrines preached by the missionaries. Probably to monitor their activities, Mpande repeatedly and earnestly requested that at least one mIssIonary should reside near his headquarters, but this did not materialise. During Mpande's reign, the colonial establishments were viewed by the missionaries as super-exploiters of the Zulu people. The attitude of the Voortrekkers towards Zulu Christian proselytes (amakholwa) was negative. This antagonism of the Voortrekkers was prompted by the political ramifications that evangelization had on them. The proselytes demanded exemption from the legal liabilities the colonial authority at Pietermaritzburg had imposed on the Zulu people. These factors, however, did not deter Mpande's attempts to use missionary connections to keep colonial threats of invasion in check. -12- Mpande's skilful diplomacy in handling different colonial establishments proved ineffective in forging unity between his hostile sons. This also stigmatized his dignity as the reigning monarch. He was the reigning monarch, but political matters in the 1850's led to challenges by the two claimants Mbuyazi and Cetshwayo. The question of Mpande's heir remained unsettled. The government of the Transvaal Republic (ZAR) maintained that Mpande regarded his son Cetshwayo as successor to the Zulu throne. At his palace, he whispered that Mbuyazi was heir, because his mother was presented to him by king Shaka. The British exploited Mpande's preference ofMbuyazi as his successor to the throne instead of Cetshwayo. The majority of the Zulus, however, preferred Cetshwayo as their future king, whilst the British viewed him as unacceptable due to his alleged antagonism towards White people. Internal strife culminated in the battle of Ndondakusuka on 2 December 1856. During the battle some of the British traders were compelled to leave their cattle behind on an island in the Thukela River. After the war, Mpande sent a message to Lieutenant Governor Scott that Cetshwayo had expressed willingness to compensate traders who lost property at dondakusuka. The subsequent Zulu civil war of 1856 demonstrated a decline in Mpande's power and influence within the Zulu kingdom. From ]857 until his death in ]872, the Zulu -13- kingdom and her relations with foreign powers were effectively run by Cetshwayo and Prime Minister ("Ndunankulu") Masiphula Ntshangase of Emgazini. Nevertheless, Mpande's earlier relations with both the Voortrekker and the British colonial establishments in Natal proved him a skilful diplomat rather than a warrior. Contrary to being a generally known obese Zulu potentate, Mpande possessed the skills and actions of a shrewd politician. -14- OPSOMMING Koning Mpande Ka Senzangakhona was die derde agtereenvolgende koning in die vorstehuis van militere Zulu heersers. Hulle heroi?ese visie het kIein groepies soldate saamgesnoer tot een enkele magtige nasie. Die ontplooi?ng van die ideaal van nasieskap in die Zulu gemeenskap tydens die bewind van Mpande, het sy oorsprong in die lofprysinge van sy vader, Senzangakhona Ka lama, gehad. Toe die pryssanger gese het: "Laat ons it band van bestemming inmekaar weef, 0 menzi, afstammeling van lane, sodat ons kan uitstyg na werelde buite bereik van geestelike vorme", het hy aangedui dat dit die bestemming van die Zulu nasie was om die heelaI te deurreis en die mense te verander in geesbewuste burgers van die kosmiese orde (in Suidoos-Afrika). Koning Shaka, 'n half-broer van Mpande, het die ideaal van hierdie hofdigter aanvaar as hoof inspirasie van die revolusie, wat hy gelei het na die dood van Senzangakhona. Dit was die ideologiese bloudruk waarop hy die Zulu nasie gevestig het. -15- Gebore in ongeveer 1798, was Mpande die seun van Senzangakhona en koningin Songiya van die Hlabisa staIn. Die Zulu afstammelinge, wat grootliks deur Mpande verwek is as, die eerste koning om kinders te he, het 'n koningshuis met hoe status geword. Mpande het bepaal dat na alle kinders wat verwek is deur lede van die koninklike Zulu familie, verwys moes word as abantwana (prinse en prinsesse). Nietemin, het Mpande op 'n baie onsekere grondslag begin. In sy jeug het hy gely aan umchoboka (vel dermatites). Sy voorgangers en tydgenote het horn as traag, onbekwaarn, oorgewig en selfs lafhartig beskou. Die meeste geskied1..'UIldige verslae verwys na Mpande se minderwaardige stamboom, sy lafhartigheid, fisiese en verstandelike gebreke. Maar in teenstelling heermee was Mpande 'n gewerfde krygsman wat in die impi's ingelyf is die dood van Senzangakhona in 1816. Gedurende die volgende paar jaar het hy 'n onderdanige posisie vervul en het daardeur die indruk geskep dat hy Die sou wedywer vir die koningskap rue. Die bron van Mpande se sterkte kan nagespeur word in sy naam. Dit kom van 'n Zulu woord impande wat 'wortel' beteken. Die simboliese betekenis van wortel is dat dit 'n bron van lewe is. Volgens Senzangakhona se beplanning moes Mpande die oorsprong, krag en groei -16- van die Zulu nasle wees. Dit is bewaarheid deurdat die latere Zulu konings wie se vemuf groot roem en eer vir die nasie ingeoes het, sy direkte afstamrnelinge was. Dit is moontlik dat Senzangakhona 'n voorgevoel gehad het van sy seun se heerskappy en horn dus Mpande genoem het. Koning Shaka het Mpande ook die verantwoordelikheid gegee om die vader van 'n seun te wees. Dit kan beskou word as 'n onderliggende faktor wat veroorsaak het dat Mpande die natuurlike troonopvolger moes wees. Teen 1837 het Mpande 'n aansienlike persoonlike gevolg gehad wat saam met horn gewoon het in sy vader se stat Mlambongwenya, in die omgewing van Eshowe. Hy het hier onbevrees gewoon vir enige inval van teenstanders. Dit het ook sy halfbroer Dingane verhinder om enige onheilighede teenoor horn aan te pak soos wat hy teenoor sy ander half broers en potensi"ele teenstanders gedoen het. Mpande het in 1840 koning van die Zulu nasie geword. Hy het regeer in 'n tydperk vry van grootskaalse konvensionele oorIoe. Maar hy het tog ook tye beleef van sporadiese aanvalle tussen lede van die Nguni- -17- sprekende stamme soos die Xhosa, Swazi en Mpondo, was. Anders as sy voorsate, het Mpande min oorloe teen ander lande gevoer. Hy het Zulu impi's gestuur om vee van die Swazi, Bapedi, Hlubi, AmaNgwe en AbakwaNkosi te buit. Mpande het ook tussenbeide getree in n opvolgings-twis in Maputoland. Die aard van Mpande se militere ekspedisies was geensins anders as die van sy voorgangers me. Sy veldtogte is opgevolg deur die herlewing van Shaka se amabutho (regimente), beheerstelsel en die bou van nuwe amakhanda (nedersettings opgerig en bewoon deur die amabutho, wat ook ii. harem bevat het) rondom sy paleis te Nodwengu. In die laat 1840's is Mpande se militere ekspedisies se sukses bemoeilik deur sporadiese inmenging deur beide die Voortrekkers en die Britse administrasie van Natal. Verhoudinge tussen Mpande en die Voortrekkers van die Republiek van Natalia het op 15 Januarie 1839 begin toe Mpande die Voortrekker leiers op die oewer van die Thukelarivier ontmoet het. Die leier van die Volksraad., Andries Pretorius, het 'n harilike gesprek met Mpande gevoer. Pretorius het besef dat vriendskapsbande met Mpande sekuriteit vir die Voortrekkers sou verseker teen moontlike invalle vanaf die gebied van -18- noorde van die Thukela. Sulke verldarings het die grondslag gele vir die slag by die Maqongqo heuwels op 29 Januarie 1840. In daardie veldslag is Dingaan se impie's verslaan deur die van Mpande. Na langdurige slag by Maqongqo, het Andries Pretorius en lede van die Volksraad Mpande op 10 Februarie 1840 ontmoet en horn as koning bevestig. Dit het gebeur nadat die Zulu nasie horn alreeds as koning gekroon het op 5 Februarie 1840. Rulle het horn oorgehaal om 'n eed voor die Volksraad af te le waarvolgens hy die opperheerskappy van die Volksraad erken het en ondemeem het om KwaZulu in vrede te regeer en vriendkapsbande met die Voortrekkers te handhaaf. Mpande het daarna die erenaam "Prius van die Emigrante Zulus" ontvang. By die aanvaarding van die ooreenkoms van vriendskap en verdediging tussen homself en die Voortrekkers, het Mpande gese: "As iemand enigiets teen u sou doen, of tot u nadeel, kan u my net laat weet en dan verseker wees dat ek en my hele leer sal kom om u te help. Ek sal tot my laaste krygsmanne vir u opoffer." Gp 14 Februarie 1840 het Pretorius 'n proldamasie uitgereik waarvoolgens die gebied "vanaf die see, tot by die Swart Mfolozirivier, waar dit deur die dubbele berge gaan naby die oorsprong, en dan langs -19- die Hooge Randberg in 'n reguit Iyn na die Drakensberg, St. Lucia-baai, insluitend" verklaar is as grens tussen KwaZulu en die Republiek van Natalia. Die Voortrekkers het, op die oewer van die Kliprivier, ongeveer 36 000 stuks vee wat na die Maqongqo-slag gebuit is, ontvang. Daarna het hulle 'n verdere 15 000 stuks vee van Mpande ontvang. Die Voortrekkers, oortuig van Mpande se vriendelike gesindheid, was vasbelote om nie in sy huishoudehke sake in te meng rue. Dit was met die voorbehoud dat Mpande sal hou by die ooreengekome menslikheids-beginsel om onnodige bloedvergieting te vermy. Gedurende Mpande se koningskap het 'n vloed van Zulu drosters na Natal, Suid van die Thukela, gestroom. Ongeveer 3 000 ontwortelde Zulus en ander Swartes het in die omgewing van die hawe van Port Natal geskuil v66r die aankoms van die Voortrekkers. Die Voortrekkers het hulle in rue minder rue as ses lokasies gegroepeer. Hulle het van Mpande se heerskappy gevlug en botweg geweier om na KwaZulu terug te keer. Met die aanwas van so baie Zulu nedersettings in Natal, het dit vir die Volksraad van die Republiek van Natalia noodsaaklik geword om Zulus -20- wat weier om na KwaZulu teruggestuur te word, met die doodstraf te dreig. Die tweede Britse besetting van Natal (1842) het plaasgevind voordat die Republiek sy plan van aksie ten uitvoer kon bring. Die Voortrekker regering wou onder meer Zulu-drosters na 'n gebied oorkant die Mzinyathi, of tussen die Mthamvuna en Mzimvubu rivier, te verskuif. Daar sou hul1e dan self-regering geniet, maar onderdane van die Republiek bly met 'n Voortrekker-agent om toesig oar hulle sake te hou. Die Kaapse Goewemeur George Napier, het aangevoer dat die gebied tussen die Mzimvubu en Mzimkhulu rivier deur die inkosi (opperhoof) Faku van die Mpando aan hulle afgestaan is. Hy het dit as hulle spesiale taak beskou om die Zulus te beskerm aan wie hy "elke denkbare deug" toegeskryf het in teenstelling met die Voortrekkers se verdagte bose voomemens vanmee hulle vroeere onwettige verlating van die Kaapko1onie en botsing met mzi1ikazi en Dingane. Napier moes die band tussen die ko1onie Natal en die Natalse Zulus versterk deur spesiale agente en sendelinge. Hy het magtiging van Lord John Russell, die Britse minister van koloniale sake, ontvang om die militere besetting van Natal te hervat. -21- Die voorlopige onderhandelinge wat die Voortrekkers met Napier gevoer het, is weerspreek deur die Britse proklamasie van 2 Desember 1841. Daarvolgens is die Britse her-besetting van Natal aangekondig en te kenne gegee dat die Voortrekkers eintlik afvallige Britse burgers was. In die proklamasie is ook beskuldigings vervat van beweerde Voortrekker mishandeling van Mpande se onderdane in Natal. Die twis tussen die Voortrekkers en die Britse owerheid het 'n nadelige effek op die verhoudinge tussen Mpande en die Voortrekkerleiers van die Republiek van Natalia gehad. Die Republiek van Natalia is op 15 Julie 1842 op aandrang van Henry Cloete aan Britse gesag onderwerp. Die Voortrekkers was verplig om te swig omdat Mpande plegtig inderneem het om voortaan die Britse owerheid te steun. Cloete het by Mpande die indruk geskep dat die Britse besetting van Natal die Voortrekker-bewind beeindig het, aan wie hy onderhorig was. Die het voorgekom asof Mpande tevrede was met die Britse old.'Upasie van atal. In 1842 het Mpande 'n grondeise-ooreenkoms met die Britse owerheid gesluit waarvolgens die grens tussen Natal en KwaZulu sou strek vanaf die oorsprong van die Mzinyathi (Buffelsrivier) tot by die ineenvloeiing met die Thukela. In Junie 1843 het Mpande besef dat die instroming van Zulu drosters na Natal sy gesag ondermyn het. Hy het die Britse owerheid versoek om die -22- drosters en hulle vee na KwaZulu terug te stuur. Die Britse owerheid het Mpande se versoek gei"gnoreer, asook die Voortrekkers se versoek om die Zulu drosters in lokasies te vestig. Daarna het Mpande die Voortrekkers wat nognie Natal verlaat het nie, genader om hulp. Hulle het ooreengekom dat die drosters vir hulle probleme veroorsaak. In 1840 was daar slegs ongeveer 2 000 - 3 000 Zulu drosters in Natal, maar teen 1843 het hulle toegeneem tot nie minder nie as 50 000 vlugtelinge. Die Zulu koning het ontken dat hy die gebied tussen die Thukela en Mzinyathi (Buffels) rivier aan die Britse owerheid afgestaan het. Mpande wou 'n gematigde en meer vreedsame dip10matieke beleid havolg. Hy het die Voortrekkers verwelkom as 'n buffer tussen sy koninkryk en die Britse owerheid. Om die grens tussen die Voortrekkers en die Zulus te bepaai, het Mpande 'n paar van sy hoofmanne na die Voortrekkers gestuur. Daar is besluit dat die hele gebied tot by die Mzinyathirivier deur die Voortrekkers beset sou word. Die Britse Luitenant-Goewemeur, Benjamin Pine, het egter Mpande as 'n monarg met dubbele agenda beskou. Hy het geglo dat Mpande sy eie saak bevorder het deur verdeelheid tussen die Voortrekkers en die Britse owerheid te veroorsaak. Mpande wou ndefensiewe militere ooreenkoms met die Voortrekkers sluit. Dit is aangemoedig deur Zulu vlugtelinge in -23- Natal wat graag wou he dat Mpande onttroon word. Hulle het die Britse owerheid beskuldig van afsydigheid teenoor Mpande se beweerde vervolging van Zulus in KwaZulu. Mpande was op sy beurt ontstoke oor die langdurige beskenning wat die Britse owerheid aan die Zulu drosters verskaf het. Mpande het gevolglik toestemming verleen aan somige Voortrekkers om plase te beset in die strategiese gebeid by Kliprivier en Utrecht met die doe! om moontlike Britse aanvalle op KwaZulu te voorkom. Terselfdertyd het hy ook 'n belofte van trou aan die Britse koloniale nedersetting in Natal gemaak deur sy samewerking met die plaaalike Voortrekkers te ontken. Dit het tot konflik tussen die Britse owerheid en die Voortrekkers ge!ei. William Harding, die Britse Landmeter-Generaal, het tot die gevolgtrekking gekom dat Mpande die ergste graad van bedrog teenoor die Britse Regering gepleeg het en dat sy handelinge met bettrekking tot die Voortrekkers opsetlike bedrog was. Maar Mpande het 'n hand van vriendskap na die Britse koloniale besetting in Natal uitgereik. Hy het op diplomatiese wyse in 1842 geweier om militere hulp aan die Britse owerheid teen die Voortrekkers te gee. Mpande se woorde was: "Nee, julle veg om die oppergesag te behaal, en wie okk al wen, sal my meester wees." -24- Die Zulu Koning het nie een van die partye gehelp nie, maar toe dit blyk dat die Britse magte die oorhand kry, het hy gesante na Kolonel Cloete gestuur om te se dat hy op die punt gestaan het om met sy impi's teen die Voortrekkers op te trek. Mpande het beswaar gemaak teen blanke jagters en handelaars wat KwaZulu binnegekom het. Hy het ook daarop aangedring dat die drosters sy vee wat hulle saam met hulle geneem het, moet terugstuur. Mpande se gesante het met die Britse amptenare geargumenteer dat hulle onderneem het om die vee terug te stuur, maar slegs 100 stuks vee is aan hulle teruggegee. Mpande het verder sy behoefte aan vuurwapens, bekend gemaak en die Britse owerheid besoek om Swazi vergrype in die noorde van KwaZulu te monitor. Die Koloniale administrasie in Natal het onderneem dat niemand toegelaat sou ward om in te meng tussen die Zulu-monargie en Britse owerheid nie. Die Britse owerheid het onkunde oar die vee-teruggawe voorgegee, maar die noodsaaklike kontrole oar handelaars se toegang in KwaZulu bevestig. Die Britse imperialiste het die Zulu Koninkryk as 'n bedreiging beskou, rnaar Mpande het hulle weer eens van sy lojaliteit verseker. Mpande het ook afgesien van sy plan om 'n verdrag met die Voortrekkers te sluit. Deur sy verklaarde steun aan die- Britse owerheid, het hy nie sy -25- aanmoediging van agtergeblewe Voortrekkers suid van die Thukela beeindig nie. Hy het gehoop om, sy eie belange te bevorder deur vyandskap tussen die Britte en Voortrekkers wakker te hou. Die kontak tussen Mpande en verskillende Christen-sendelinge IS voorafgegaan deur sporadiese aanvaIle op sendingstasies deur sy voorganger Dingane. Mpande was nie negatief teenoor sendingwerk nie. Hy het die Amerikaanse Raad van Kommissarisse, Engelse Wesliaanse Methodiste Vereniging, Noorweegse Sending, Berlynse Sending, Hanoverse Sending, Anglikaanse Kerk en Roomse Katolieke Kerk almal toestemming verleen om huIle in KwaZulu te vestig om die Zulus te leer van die Christendom. Die strategie om massas Zulus tot die Christendom te bekeer deur Mpande se hotbouding, het vrugte afgewerp. Die fundamentele etiese, bo-natuurlike en sosiale idees van die Zulus is deur die Christilike leersteIlings van die sendelinge bevraagteken Mpande het telkens ernstig versoek dat daar ten minste een sendeling naby sy hoofkwartier gevestig word, moontlik om hulle werk to monitor, maar dit is nooit uitgevoor nie. Gedurende Mpande se bewind het die sendelinge die Britse administrasie van Natal as super-uitbuiters van die Zulu nasie beskou. Die Voortrekkers se houding teenoor die- Zulu Christen bekeerlinge (Kholwa) -26- was negatief. Die antagonisme wat die Voortrekkers jeens die bekeerlinge gehad het, het voortgespruit uit die politiese uitwerking wat evangelisasie op hulle gehad het. Die bekeerlinge het aangedring op kwytskelding van wetlike verpligtinge wat die koloniale regering van Pietermaritzburg die Zulus opgele het. Hierdie faktore het egter nie Mpande se pogings beperk om sy verbintenis met die sendelingte te gebruik om dreigemente van moontilike aanvalle uit die Natal-kolonie te troefnie. Mpande se bekwame diplomasie met die hantering van die verskillende koloniale owerhede was egter ondoeltreffend om samehorigheid tussen sy vyandige seuns te bereik. Dit het ook sy waardigheid as regetende monarg aangetas. Hy was die regerende koning, maar politieke verwikkelinge in die 1850's het tot eise van twee aanspraakmakers op die troon, Mbuyazi en Cetshwayo, gelei. Die kwessie van 'n troonsopvolger vir Mpande is me opgelos me. Volgens die Voortrekkers van die Tranvaalse Republiek (ZAR), het Mpande Cetshwayo as sy opvolger beskou. By sy paleis was fluisteringe dat Mbuyazi sy opvolger sou wees aangesien sy moeder deur Shaka aan Mpande as vrou gegee is. Die Britse owerheid het Mpande se voorkeur aan Mbuyazi as sy troonsopvolger terdee uitgebuit. -27- Die meerderheid Zulus het egter vir Cetshwayo verkies. Die Britse owerheid het Cetswayo negatief beoordeel, veral oor sy beweerde antagonisme teenoor die blankes. Interne twis het gekulmineer in die slag van Ndondakusuka op die 2 Desember 1856. Gedurende hierdie slag was sommige van die Britse handelaars genoodsaak om hulle vee agter te laat op 'n eiland in die Thukelarivier. Na die oorlog het Mpande 'n boodskap aan Luitenant-goeweerneur Scott gestuur dat Cetshwayo gewiUig was om die handelaars wat hul eiendom verloor het te vergoed. Die daaropvoolgende burgeroorlog van 1856 het 'n afname in die mag en invloed van Mpande in die Zulu-koninkryk getoon. Vanaf 1857 tot sy dood in 1872, is die Zulu-koninkryk, asook die verhouding met buitelandse magte, doltreffend behartig deur Cetshwayo en sy Eerste Minister Masiphula Ntshangase van Emgazini. Desnieteenstaande, het Mpande se vroeere verhoudings met sowel die Voortrekkers as die Britse koloniale owerheid, getoon dat hy eerder 'n bedrewe diplomaat as 'n krygsman was. In teensteJling met die feit dat hy algemeen bekend gestaan het as 'n plompe Zulu potentaat, was Mpande in werklikheid 'n baie bedrewe, soepel en uitgeslape staatsman. -28- DEDICATION To my four twinkle little stars: Philisiwe Khwezi Nkanyezi and Nonkululeko May God give them four things: Wisdom of Solomon Humility of a Dove Brevity of Samson Cunning of a Snake -29- ABBREVIAnON The following abbreviation particularly relates to some sources given in iliefuomoresthrou~omtmswo~. ARC. RP.P. C.O. G.H. J.SA K.C. NA P.R.O. SAAR.:N S.NA S.P. Arcmves Book Collections British Parliamentary Papers Colonial Office Government House lames Stuart Arcmves, Durban Killie Campbell Africana Library, Durban Natal ArcmvesINative Affairs Collection Public Record Office South African Arcmves Records: Natal / Natives Secretary for Native Affairs Shepstone Papers -30- INTRODUCTION AIMS, OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY OF THE STUDY The period 1840 - 1872 forms a watershed in Zulu political history. It was the epoch that witnessed the rule of the longest reigning monarch in the history of the Zulu Kingdom, Mpande Ka Senzangakhona. I The increasingly altered circumstances under which Mpande had to rule, however, were foreshadowed by British colonial and Voortrekker establishments and intervention. The consolidation of European domination over most of the subcontinent and the subsequent White settlement in Natal, exacerbated problems that Mpande had to face. 1. AIMS AND OBJECTIVES In this introductory analysis of King Mpande and his relations with colonial establishments in Natal, it is imperative to take cognisance of the concepts "aims" and "objectives". By aims we understand a more general, broader statement of intention. Aims fulfil an important function in that they direct and orientate a person's thought and C. Webb and J. Wright (Eds): lames Stuart Archives of recorded oral evidence relating to the history of the Zulu and neighbouring peoples, Vol. I, pp. 46 - 47. 2 3 -31- intentions about a specific area, activity or field of knowledge, even if these are vague and across a broad front. 2 Furthermore, aims usually involve long-term goals and have a greater measure of performance. Objectives are short-term goals. They are the results to be achieved to a certain standard.3 In this study the aims and objectives are to: gIVe an exposition of the reIgn of Mpande, the longest reIgmng monarch in the history of the Zulu Kingdom; establish a general view of a dynasty of martial kings whose genius transformed and consolidated simple people into a nation of warriors; highlight the underlying factors for the acceSSIOn of Mpande; J.Cawood and J.Gibbon: Educational Leadership - staff development, p.152. cr ML Shamase: A Comparative study of the aims, structure and smuegies of the National Party and Inkatha, 1975 - 1985, p.25. Ibid., p.25. -32- identify major protagonists during the reign of Mpande; analyze the varying impact of colonial establishments on Mpande's rule in KwaZulu; indicate failures and successes of the reign of Mpande; expose and evaluate the reaction and influences of Mpande's subjects and neighbours on his reign; table, interpret and evaluate all agreements between Mpande and Colonial authorities during the period in question; analyze and evaluate the influence of the Inissionaries and mission stations on Mpande; establish convincingly that Mpande had effectively applied the skil1s of a politician and diplomat. 4 , 6 -33- 2. METHODOLOGY Historical methodology may be defined as a systematic body of principles and rules designed to aid effectively in gathering the source-materials of history, appraising them critically, and presenting a synthesis of the results achieved.' More briefly it may be defined as a "system of right procedure for the attainment of (historical) truth.'" Gottschalk defines historical methodology as a process of critically examining and analyzing the records and survivals of the past" This study, however, is analyzed within a qualitative methodological framework. It is sufficient to say that the qualitative approach utilized in this study make use of data gathering methods, such as documentary methods; participant observation and inferential methods which include grounded theory, analytical induction and historical analysis. Analysis in most chapters of this study is interspersed with oral traditions in the form of izibongo (praise-poems). Praise-poems can be of use to the historian in a plethora of ways. As a form of poetry they constitute concentrated and rich historical texts. They provide J. Delanglez (Ed): A Guide to Historical Method, p.33. R.F. Clarke: Logic, p.462. L. Gottschalk: Understanding History - a primer of historical method, p.48. , 8 9 -34- the final solution as to what the people of the time thought of the king.' Praise -poems were at once a form of history in which the world view of the rulers was expressed, and a vehicle for the expression of social disaffection' They were at the same time the chronicles of individual lives, of both rulers and commoners, for praises were not confined to the scions of royal houses. The linguist, White argued that praise-poems: " ... are the record of power, a catalogue of success. On behalf of those who maintain and manipulate and occasionally usurp authority, they lay claim to legitimacy. They are not, in the last resort, important as a form of entertainment, and opportunity for performance; they are the annals of the ruling group. "9 The object ofpraise-poems in the case of the heroes (amaqhawe), was to inspire and infuse the army with wrath. Krige, an ethnographer, observed: "When a warrior giya's (dances) the spectators shout out his praises, and in a military life like that of the Zulu's, where praises had to be won by brave deed in battle, these praises led to great emulation. They were an encouragement, S.C.L. Nyembezi: "Historical background 10 the izibongo of the Zulu military age." African Studies, Vol. 7, p.174. . K.c., Stuart Papers, file 58, Notebook 17, Evidence of Mtshapi, 11 May 1918, p.17. L.White: "Power and the Praise Poem", p.4; J.S.A., Vol. 4, Evidence ofMtshapi, 10 May 1918, p.95. 10 11 12 13 -35- not only to the man who had won them, but to others who had not yet distinguished themselves. In view of all this publicity, the position of a coward, who would have no-one to praise him if he dared to gjJ!f!, must have been invidious. "10 The Zulu people of Mpande's time had specialist declaimers of praises (izimbongi) as an important order of their institutions." Thus, the position of royal specialist declaimers of praises (imbongi) was a jealously guarded and highly valued appointment, carrying with it immense status. Mpande's most renowned specialist declaimers of praises were Magolwane Ka Mkhathini Jiyane and Mshayankomo Ka Magolwane12 Magolwane Ka Mkhathini was killed at his homestead (umuzi) at Ntabankulu on Mpande's orders. He used to call out to the king: "Weh, Mpande! Weh, Mpande! The cattle are leaving you "13 He meant that there should be war. The specialist declaimer of praises might bellow at night or get up at dawn and bellow, leaving E.l. Krige: The Social System of the Zulus, pp. 58 - 61; J.SA, Vol. 3, Evidence of Mkebeni, 17 September 1918, p.198. R.e. Samuelson: Long Long Ago, p.253. K.c., Stuart Papers, file 58, Notebook 17, Evidence of Mtshapi and Ndube, 11 May 1918, J.SA, Vol. 3, Evidence ofMgidblana, 71une 1921, p.I08. 1.S.A., Vol. I, Evidence of BaIeni, 14 May 1914, p.30. 14 15 I. -36- off only for meals, and go on all day long till sunset. He would bellow right at the upper end of the cattle enclosure and close to the royal house. 14 In an attempt to give him a break, Mpande would call on some well known warrior to come and dance." Nxozana Ka Moni of the Qungebeni clan was Mpande's specialist declaimer of praises when cattle for the royal household were slaughtered.'? This study is based on a mixture of oral testimonies and other forms of oral evidence. The most important of these for this study, has been the extensive lames Stuart Archives. They are housed in the Killie Campbell Africana Library in Durban. Stuart (1868 - 1942), a fluent Zulu linguist, worked for the greater part of his life in KwaZulu and Swaziland in the colonial administration. In that period he strove to record as much as he could of the history, language, oral literature and social customs of the people amongst whom he worked. Stuart sought out well-informed persons and interviewed them. The near-verbatim transcripts of his discussions, along with the details of his imformants, circumstances and dates of the interviews, make up the core of this collection. Use has been Ibid, p.30. K.c., StuartPapers, File 9, Notebook 3~Evidence of Hoye, 15 September 1921. J.S.A., Vo!' 2, Evidence fo Mandhlakazi, 7 January 1921, p.188. -37- made of both the printed archive and the unpublished collection in this study. To date, four volumes of the projected "six volume lames Stuart Archives" series have emerged, containing the testimonies of almost a hundred informants. Both the printed and the unpublished collection has been refracted through the twin prims of the contemporary circumstances of each informant, as far as they are known, and the contemporary circumstances, interests and motivations of Stuart himself. Although elusive, the latter have been illuminated by means of the questions which Stuart selected to address to his informants, through a comparison of his interviews with the work of other scholars known to have interviewed the same informants, and by his own writings. 3. CO CEPTS AND CHAPTERS An explanation of terms used in this study is necessary. Colonial establishment refers to a sizeable settler minority that serve as ruling groups or cycles of any institution or a country. Generally, an establishment is a settled military, naval or civil organisation with 17 18 -38- existing code of laws with permanence in view l1 It has to be noted that major colonial role players in this study are the Voortrekkers of the Republic of Natalia and the British of Natal. The reason is that the Voortrekkers enthroned Mpande with the designation: "Prince of Emigrant Zulus" in October 1839, while in 1842 Mpande offered to assist the British in taking over Natal from the Voortrekkers. The term dynasty is used to refer to a family, or "House", which posses hereditary right to reign over a particular territory or group of territories. The adjective "dynastic" usually refers to the politics or diplomacy practiced by the strong monarch of the sixteenth through the eighteenth to the mid-19th centuries. I' In the phrases "Zulu chiefdom" and "Zulu kingdom", the term Zulu refers to the genealogically heterogeneous groups of lineages which recognised the rule of Senzangakhona, and later Shaka The geographical limits of the "Zulu chiefdom" and the "Zulu kingdom" were constantly shifting in the period analyzed in this study. Thus the term KwaZu1u is used simply as a geographical designation for the area between the Phongolo and Thukela rivers, while that of Natal is c.L. Barnhart and R.K. Barnhart (Eds): The World Book Dictionarv, Vol. I, A - K, p.725. Ibid.. p.657 "20 21 22 -39- used to refer to the area between the Thukela and Mzimkulu rivers." "Zulu" is also used in this study to refer to those lineages which claimed to be directly connected to the line of Zulu kings, and who laid claim to the clan-name of "Zulu.''20 In this sense, the term usually occurs in the forms "Zulu clan", "Zulu ruling lineage" "Zulu royal house." These distinctions should indicate that the use of the term Zulu in no way endorses the idea of a Zulu ethnic identity. In this study, the term clan is used to refer to a group of lineages, which claimed descent from a common ancestor who could be very remote. Lineage is used to refer to all the descendants of a common ancestor in the male line, amongst whom very exact connections were traceable. 21 The term chiefdom is used to refer to a political unit occupymg a territorial area, under an independent or seml- independent inkosi (chief).22 As opposed to kingdom, chiefdom tended towards a greater degree of genealogical homogeneity. The Zulu kingdom ultimately came to contain within itself an enormous range of genealogically heterogeneous clans. 1. Guy: The Destruction fo the Zulu Kingdom, pp. ~'vii - ~"Viii. C.S.L. Nyembezi: "Historical background to the izibongo of the Zulu military age." African Studies, Vol. 7, pp. 17 - 20. C.L. Bamhan and RK Bamhart (Eds): Tb" World Book Dictionary, Vol. I, L -Z, p. 1215. Ibid, p. 1156. 23 24 -40- Chapter One attempts to give an outline of Zulu dynasty, from the earliest rulers to Mpande. The central proposition of the first chapter is that the Zulu kingdom which Mpande inherited in 1840 began as a chiefdom subordinate to the Mthethwa chief, Dingiswayo. King Shaka brought together people from different clans as one mighty sovereign nation who took on the clan-name of king Shaka to give it a . collective identity.23 The succession of Dingane as king and his ultimate fall are also traced. Utilizing the methods for the analysis of oral traditions outlined in this introduction, Chapter Two goes on to look at the formative years of Mpande, from his early life to his inauguration as king of the Zulu nation. This is imperative in the light of scurrilous accounts on his life and career. One such controversial account was that Mpande was not supposed to be king because he was an umsizi" At a certain point in the annual umkhosi ceremonies, the king, daubed with powdered medicines (umsizi), was required to spend the night in a specially prepared hut in the royal headquarters. There he would be attended by a selected wife, or a girl from the royal seraglio, with M.G. Buthelezi: King Sbaka Day-Speech, Glebelanru; Stadium, Durban, 23'" September 1984, p.2. lS.A., Vol. 3, Evidence of Mgundeni ka Matshekana, II July 1918, pp. 123 - 125. 25 -41- whom he might have sexual intercourse. 25 A child born of such a connection was held to be of inferior rank in the royal family and therefore not supposed to be heir. Presumably Mpande was conceived and born under such circumstances. Chapter Three gives an exposition of Mpande's military campaigns, higWighting the ambiguous role played by outside powers. The chapter also pays homage to the control system of the amabutho (regiments) inherited from Shaka and Dingane. Chapter Four examines Mpande's relations with the Voortrekkers of the Republic of Natalia and in particular, the agreements he concluded with the Volksraad (the supreme legislative body).'? Chapter Five looks at British imperial ties and permission Mpande gave to the British at Natal to occupy land. Central in this chapter is the diplomacy Mpande displayed in handling colonial establishments in Natal. Chapt~r Six looks at the acquaintances Mpande made with the Christian missionaries. What is highlighted in this chapter is the flexibility of Mpande in the light of sporadic squabbles and the Ibid., pp. 123 - 125. R.R.R. Dhlomo: Umpande Ka Senzangakhona, p. 30. -42- impact of Christianity on the Zulu kingdom." Chapter Seven examines the wrangles in the royal house of Mpande, its causes being controversial and still a bone of contention among scholars of Zulu history. This chapter also highlights the role of colonial establishments in the civil war between princes Mbuyazi and Cetshwayo (Mpande's sons) culminating III the battle of Ndondakusuka ill 1856.'" A conclusive Chapter Eight gives an " evaluation of the legacy of King Mpande, his relations with both the Voortrekker and the British colonial establishments in Natal, acquaintance with the missionaries and the impact of the civil war on his relations with colonial establishments. R. Sales (Ed): Adventuring with God - the story of the American Board Mission in South Africa, p. 17. F.E. Colenso: The Ruin ofZululand. Vol. 1- an account of British doings in Zululand since the invasion of 1879, p. 355. -43- CHAPTER 0 lE AN OUTLINE OF THE ZULU DYNASTY Mpande Ka Senzangakhona was the third in succession in the dynasty of "martial" kings in South-east Africa whose military genius transformed simple and servile clans into a powerful Zulu nation. Before the formation of such a nation, each clan was bound together by an affectionate reverence for its inkosi (chief). , It could be said that under such circumstances people were devoid of bellicose tendencies and lived much more in peace and content. The Zulu clan was one of about 100 small clans scattered over the land under separate amakhosi (chiefs).' The Zulu clan had its genesis from the north of Mhlathuze river and were not originally part of the "Nguni" people. They were called amaNtungwa by the Qwabe clan because they remained in the north' The Zulu people used to arrive in the Qwabe clan with indungulu (hyparrhenia hirta) and ikhathazo (malaria preventative) medicines, and say on arrival, "ofe , J R.J. Mann: The Zulus and Boors of South Africa - a fragment of recent history, pp. 30 66; J.SA, Vol. 3, Evidence of Mkebheni, 17 September 1921, pp. 198-9; J.S.A., Vol. 4, Evidence of Mtshayankomo, II January 1922, p. 115. Ibid., p. 30, 198-9, 115. K.C., Smart Papers, file 61, Notebook 45, Evidence of Mabhonsa, 20 December 1900, pp.2-3. -44- mkozi", speaking of themselves as amaNtungwa.' The Khumalo, Zulu, Mambatha and abak.-waKhanyile were all amaNtungwa while the Ndwandwe, Mthethwa., Qwabe and amaChunu were Nguni' Amongst the Zulu, a common historical origin was claimed by all the groups which had been assimilated by the Zulu in the earliest phase of expansion, that of amaNtungwa. It was their common identity as amaNtungwa., which provided the ideological basis of the social cohesion of a highly heterogeneous group? Thus, at the apex of Zulu society there emerged a high aristocracy made up of members who could demonstrate genealogical links with the Zulu royal line. However, the privileged, ruling echelon of Zulu society was not confined to the Zulu clan and their relatives, but embraced a wider category of people politically aligned with the Zulu aristocracy.' Although this wider group could not demonstrate precise genealogical links with the royal house, they claimed to have the same historical origins, to share certain cultural traits through a common identity, as amaNtungwa' , , ? , ? Ibid., pp. 2 - 3. Ibid., pp. 10 - 24. J.S.A., Vol. 4, Evidence ofNdambi, 25 March 1909, p. 176. C. Webb and l. Wright (Eds): lames Smart Archives of recorded oral evidence relatiru( to the history of the Zulu and neighbouring peoples, Vol. 3, pp. 23-4. Ibid., pp. 23-4. -45- The ongm of the name amaNtungwa was best described by Ndambi KaSikhakhane, John Stuart's infonnant: "] have asked the amaNtungwa people the origin oftheir name, and they said that it originates from the intungwa grass (entungweni yo tshani). This grass will stick in clothes and prick one. That is, the name arose from the grass used for thatching huts. Grain baskets (izilulu) were also made of intungwa grass. ''9 Phakade KaMacingwane spoke of his Chunu clan as "AbaNguni of the Mngeni" and the Qwabe as "AbaNguni of the place of the people of Yeyeya (Lelela) - who would destroy a person by beating him down with words. "10 The first Zulu inkosi was Malandela who was born round about 1597.11 Nothing is known about his reign except that he lived and died on the Mhlatuze valley in 1691. Malandela begat Zulu who moved to the valley of the Mkhumbane stream where he died about 1709. 12 Bryant asserted that Zulu was buried at Mkhumbane under the umganu (sclerocarya caffra tree)." Zulu begat Phunga and Mageba. Phunga ruled from 1709 until he 9 10 11 12 13 lS.A., Vol. 4. Evidence ofNdamb~ 25 March 1909, p. 176: Cf. C. HamilIOO: ldeolog), oral traditions and the struggle for power in the early Zulu Kingdom, p. 290. K.c., Swan Papers, File 61, Notebook 44, Evidence ofMabhonsa, 15 February 1903, pp. 23-4. C. Webb and 1. Wright (Eds): lames SlUan Archives of recorded oral evidence relating to the history of the Zulu and neighbouring peoples, Vol. 3, p. 100. C.S.L. Nyembezi: lztbongo Zamakhosi, p. 16; A.T. Bryant: Olden Times in Zulu land and Natal, p. 36. Ibid., p. 36. -46- died in 1727 without an heir. Phunga's widow was inherited by Mageba who ruled the Zulu chiefdom from 1727 until his death in 1745. 14 Mageba built the Emakheni (the perfumery place) homestead which was not far from the subsequent site of king Dingane's harem of Mgungundlovu. The Emakheni homestead played a significant role in the early Zulu chiefdom and became a meeting place where matters of national importance were decided on. 15 The early Zulu chiefdom had no visible tales of military prowess except during the reign of Ndaba, Mageba's son, who had amaNkankane and amaGwadlu regiments.'6 During times of military offensives Ndaba danced before his regiments to a song: "uNdaba u-y-inkasi. [Ndaba is a king.] Oha! O! Ha! Dye I Jijiji! Ajiji!"17 While his predecessors had left no word of iziBongo, Ndaba had the following: "Ndaba azingela amahlathi, IS 16 17 K.c., Stuart Papers, File 9, Notebook 3, Evidence of Mtsbayanknmo, 11 January 1922. Ibid AT. Bryant: Olden Times in Zululand and Natal, p. 38; C.S.L Nyembezi: Izibongo Zamakhosi, p. 75. Ibid., p. 38. -47- [Ndaba who hunts forests] Athi gqigqi gqigqi gqigqi, [Saying gqigqi gqigqi gqigqi] Nonyaka akunyamazane. [The year has unnumbered bucks] Amlandulela ngentshintsho yempunzikazi. [Denying him through suckles of antelope] Uhlakanyana obanga izulu ukubalela, [The slab that causes sunshine] Unamanga kodwa, hlakanyana; ulibangile "18 [You are lying, Slab, you caused it] Cope, however, gave the best description ofNdaba's praises: "He who hunted the forests until they murmured, Until eventually they cried: "Enough! Isn't it? " Who when he lay down was the size ofrivers, Who when he got up was that ofmountains, Precious little amulet ofour people, ofGcabashe. '09 Ndaba was succeeded by lama in 1771 who built his homestead, Nobamba (the place of unity or binding together), near the Mpembeni stream.20 lama had two WIves, the chief of whom was Mthaniya, daughter of Manyelela of the Sibiya clan. Mthaniya begot twin girls, i.e. Mkabayi and Mmama, as well as a boy named Senzangakhona and finally a girl, Mawa.21 The three daughters of lama became heads of harems in the IS 19 20 21 Ibid-, p. 39. T. Cope: lzibongo - Zulu praise poems, p. 72. K.c., Stuart Papers, File 9, Notebook 3, Evidence of Mtsbayankomo, 11 January 1922. A.T. Bryant: Olden Times in Zulu land and Natal, p. 40. -48- Zulu chiefdom and evinced aversion to matrimonial bonds, preferring to remain queens." Mkabayi headed the ebaQulusini (where they push out buttocks); Mmama ruled the Osebeni (on the river bank) homestead, while Mawa reigned over king Shaka's eNtonteleni military homestead. 2J lama's military valour was best demonstrated by his offensives against the Kwafakazi clan of Mhlabangubo near the present day Vryheid." While he is said to have refrained from publicising his prowess to his country's aggrandisement, lama's praises indicate that he was by repute a valorous wamor: "lama is not deceived to the slightest extent, Even on the point oJa spear he can be at ease, Even on branches he can hold tight. He who was solid like a rock oJZihlalo, Which could be commanded by those who carry barbed spears. ''25 lama presented his half-brother, Mhlaba, with a bride he had already impregnated. This led to the birth of Sojiyisa (he who thickens).26 2J 25 '6 Ibid., p. 40. Ibid., p. 41. Ibid., p. 44. T Cope: Izibongo - Zulu praise poems, p. 77. e. Webb and J. Wright (Eds): James Swan Arclllves of recorded oral evidence relating to the lllstory of the Zulu and neighbouring peoples, Vols. 3 - 4, pp. 163 - 164,210, 265. -49- Sojiyisa called his homestead KwaMandlakazi (the place of the mighty seed, or power). Sojiyisa begot Maphitha who begot Zibhebhu who played a major role in the history of KwaZulu. The description of lama as inkosi with a fiery temperament and fierce in the fray was noted in his other praises: "lsiduli eSiphahlwe ngamakhand' amadoda, [A salt-rock surrounded by men] Uboqolo 0 'makhandakhanda, nabalimi bangawusiphula, [A multi-headed bush, even farmers can uproot it] uJama kabongwa ngabalandakazi, ubongwa yinjenje [lama is not bellowed by women, but praised by men] yasemOekwini, [ofmQekwini] 1mbaba yakoSonomo mninginingi [The obstinate one of Sonomo, mninginingi] Ngibe ngiyabiza kusabel umLacuba wakwaMagalana, [Even when I call mLacuba ofMagalana responds] Kusabel umBebe kaMahamba - simuke, [Only mBebe of Mahamba responds - we go] Abanye basemhlane, abasiquzi ngabawoNkobe. [Others are on the back, the brave ofNkobe] Ujama kalutwana kangakanani, [lama is thin and short] Nasenhlamvini yomkhonto angase ahlale. [He can rest even at the tip of the spear] Ugabagaba, umthondo umajiya esiswini. "27 [The long, entangled penis in the stomach] lama died in 1781 and due to the minority of Senzangakhona, his heir, Mkabayi became regent. When Senzangakhona assumed to reign in 1787 27 C.S.L. Nyembezi: Izibongo Zarnakhosi. p. 14; K.c., Stuan Papers, File 81, Notebook 42, evidence of Mgidh1ana. 7 June 1921, p. 108; S.N.A. I/ln, N.A.: Minutes oftbe Executive Counci~ 28 November 1848. -50- his names increased. The name Untiti (master frail-boy), posing as a remote progenitor of Senzangakhona, indicated in reality Senzangakhona himself. Some of his other numerous nicknames were uGxebe (sweetheart); Menzi (the doer); and Mjokwane (the little-long-thing).28 The expressions uZulu KaMdlani, uZulu KaMandlana, uZulu KaMdlamfe are all alike merely iziBongo, not of a person, Zulu (much less are they his parents' names), but of the Zulu nation when at the height of its power (in Shaka's time) and signify respectively: "The Zulus, ofthe vigorous contestant, The Zulus, ofthe fairly strong man, The Zulus, ofhim who lives on the enemy's sugar-cane (imfe) as they pass (in war)'" Senzangakhona had fifteen wives, the first and chief of whom was Mkabi (she of the ox, or cattle), the daughter of Sodubo of the Nzuza clan.30 Mkabi did not have an heir and her only daughter's name was MzinhJanga. Other wives of Senzangakhona were Fudukazi (big tortoise) of the Cele clan; Nandi, king Shaka's mother and daughter of Bebe of eLangeni clan; Langazana (most earnest-longing), mother of Magwaza (who died at the battle ofNcome on 16 December 1838) and daughter of 30 1. Peires (Ed): Before and After SI1'> > > > > > Mpande's regiments ligging van die Maqongqo-slagveld t .a.v. huidige plase THE BATILE OF MAQONGQO, C 1840 ~6? CHAPTER TWO THE RISE AND REIGN OF KING MPANDE Born in about 1798 Mpande was the son of inkosi (chiet) Senzangakhona and queen Songiya, daughter of Ngotsha of the Hlabisa clan (isizwe).' Besides Mpande, Shaka, Dingane and Mhlangana, Senzangakhona had many other sons from different wives. These sons, like most Zulu princes, distinguished themselves in battles and laid down their lives in defence of KwaZulu. 2 The Zulu lineage largely begotten by Mpande, the first king to have children, became a royal group with high status. Mpande decreed that all children begotten by members of the Zulu royal family should be referred to as abantwana (princes and princesses).' They lived III lIDlZl (homesteads) consisting of a circle of izindlu (huts) around a central cattle-fold. Each homestead was inhabited by a group of male heads with , R.R.R. Dhlomo: Umpande Ka Senzangakho11ll, p. 20; P.A. Kennedv: "Mpande and the Zulu kingship", Journal ofNatal and Zulu History, p. 24. J.S.A., Vol. 2, Evidence ofMagidi, 18 April 1905, p. 210: A. de V. Minnaar: Conflict and Violence in NatallKwaZulu - a historical perspective, pp. 3 - 6. M. Gluckrnan: African Political Organisation, Bantu Studies, 1940, pp. 110 - i12. ..~ 4'>7- , . , ~. ~ . ", . ~ . ," " " ' " ., , King Mpande KaSenzangakhona c. 1848 (British Museum): Zulu Potentates, p. 40. -68- their wives and children and other dependents. 4 All the inmates of the homestead were under the authority of family head who was the heir. In Mpande's youth days a plethora of neighbouring homesteads were related to one another, though here and there among them would be matrilineal or affinal relatives or some stranger.' At the head of each group of homesteads would be a lineage-head, who with other similar lineage-headmen came under the chief of the clan, the heir in direct line from the founder of the patrilineal eponymous clan which was the core of the clan group? These clan groups were established throughout KwaZulu. They could, except in times of draught, make an adequate living in the fertile hills and valleys ofKwaZulu' For time immemorial and during Mpande's youth all males and females were organised and socialised into age-sets called amabutho (regiments). They learnt the life of the Zulu chiefdom and had to conform to acceptable behaviour of the Zulu community irrespective of rank of the individual age-grades? Further, they adhered to factions, requirements and orders which emanated from the king's royal palace and these were , , ? 7 8 M. Z. Sbamase: Zulu Potentates - from the earliest to Zwelithini KaBhekuzulu. p. 4 I. AT Bryant: Olden Times in Zululand and Natal. pp. 76 - 78. 1.5. Kubheka: "A preliminary Survey ofZulu Dialects in atal and Zululand", pp. 10 - 15. J.SA, Vol. 3, Evidence of Mpatshana, 28 May 1912, pp. 316 - 320; K.c., Stuart Papers, Notes on the life of Henry Fynn, pp. 24, 30; G.M. TheaI: The Republic of Natalia, p. 4. K.C., Stuart Papers, File 61, Notebook 31, Evidence of dukwana, 17 May 1903. pp. 3 - 4. 6 - 8. -Q9- very stringent and proper. Referring to males in particular, Samuelson asserted that: "They also heard the history of their ancestors, the sagas of the lands with respect to kings and heroes; war songs and regimental war songs, and imbibed them, some better and some worse than others and were fired with the desire to emulate those heroes of yore and to do and die for their native land. They were thus built up to be brave and loyal citizens of their country. "9 The youths, however, were treated with an expectation of unequivocal obedience to the elders. Any youths who had not yet had their ears incised were made to do so that their ears would be "open" that they might "hear" the commands given to them. IQ Their loyalty to the ruler was constantly emphasised, as was the developing notion of the new Zulu clan. Thus, Mpande also underwent all the stages of development as a member of a regiment, including a stage of ukukleza (to drink milk directly from the udders of cattle)." The youths who did ukukleza were all 'post- pubescent, and they did ukukleza for a number of years until they were 9 IQ " KC. Samuelson: Long, Long Ago, pp. 355-56; M.Z. Sharnase: Zulu Potentates - from the earliest to Zwelithini kaBbekuzulu, p. 41. I.S. Kubbeka: "A Preliminary Survey ofZulu Dialects in Natal and Zululand", pp.I-5. . K.C., Stuart Papers, File 61, Notebook 31, Evidence ofNdukwana, I May 1903, pp. 3 4;J.S.A., Vol. 3, Evidence ofMpatsbaria, 29 May 1912, pp. 316 - 318. -70- about eighteen years of age. The period of ukukleza was thus the key training period which occurred over a long time, when boys were taught to use weapons and were apprised of fighting techniques." Mpande grew up under the economic scenario based mainly on izinkomo (cattle); goats and sheep, which were traditionally tended by boys. Milk was the main food product and some cattle would be slaughtered at festivals for meat, while the horns and skins were used for ornament, clothing and defence." The cattle constituted the major form of wealth surplus and the king, as the new ruling lineage, controlled these resources. The ukusisa (loaning cattle) system acquired a new form as the monarchy lent out cattle to ensure socio-economic and political loyaltyl' In spite of the above, however, Mpande began on a very precanous footing. In his youth he was plagued by umchoboka (skin dermatitis)." His predecessors and contemporaries viewed him as indolent, inept, obese and even cowardly. A plethora of European historical accounts have referred to Mpande's inferior genealogical status, cowardice, physical and mental deficiencies. 16 12 " " " 16 K.C., Stuart Papers, File 41, "Historical Notes", Evidence ofSocwatsha, 16 March 1907, p. 96; lS.A., Vol. 2, Evidence ofMandhIakazi, 23 May 1916, pp. 181 - 182. Ibid., p. 96, 181 - 182. . P. Bonner: "The dynamics onale eighteenth century. early nineteenth centurv northern Nguni society - some hypothesis, pp. 75 - 80. Minutes of the Natal Volksraad, 15 October 1839, Bird, I, Annals ofNatal, pp. 535 - 537. A. Durninyand B. Guest: Natal and Zululand - from earliest times to 1910, p. 95. -71- On the contrary, Mpande was already a recruited warrior when Dingane, his half-brother, became king in KwaZulu. This was endorsed by Mpande himself in his meeting with the Voortrekkers in 1839." He had been incorporated into the regiments on the death of his father in 1816, but retained a submissive role during the next few years because he was an umsizi prince." At a certain point in the annual umkhosi ceremonies, the inkosi (chief), daubed with powdered medicines (umsizi), was required to spend the night in a specially prepared indlu (hut) in the isigodlo (harem). There he would be attended by a selected wife, or a girl from the harem, with whom he might have sexual intercourse. A child born of the connection was an umsizi and held to be of inferior rank in the royal family and therefore not supposed to be heir.'? An umsizi child was never made chief, but always lived and brought forward when the principal house had no heirs. Mpande was allowed to live because of his being an umsizi, and therefore one who would not contend for the chieftaincy.20 It was for this reason that Mpande was sent as a youth to live amongst the Cele south of Thukela. In Mpande's youth the umsizi custom was retained to give the king an imposing aura, so that he should be regarded with awe. ",. 20 1. Pridrnore: The Diary ofHenry Francis Fynn - 1883, Vol. I, p. 41. J.S.A., Vol. 2, Evidence ofMagidigidi, 8 May 1905, pp. 88 - 89. M.Z. Shamase: Zulu Potentates - from the earliest to Zwelithini kaBhekuzulu, p. 44. J.SA, Vol. 2, Evidence ofMagidigidi, 8 May 1905, p. 88 - 89. -72- Contrary to the above, Mpande is alleged to have given another reason to the Voortrekker leader, Andries Pretorius, for his not becoming king after Shaka. He said: "[ was deployed by Shaka to attack Soshangane. On my return I found Dingane king, having murdered Shaka and almost all children of the harem. "21 This is understandable as he could not tell strangers about the umS1Z1 custom. It could be argued that in spite of his being an umsizi prince, the source of his strength could be traced from his name, "mpande". It could also be that Senzangakhona had a premonition of his son's reign by naming him Mpande. His name comes from a Zulu word impande, meaning "root".21 A root could be of a plant or nation. The symbolic meaning of a root is that it is a source of life. The growth of a plant or nation is entirely dependent on the root or roots." It could thus be argued and said that in Senzangakhona's calculations Mpande was to be source, strength and growth of the nation. This bore truth in that through his household there emerged kings whose genius earned the Zulu nation dignity and respect. 21 22 R.R.R Dhlomo: Umpande Ka Senzangakho!!.34, Confidential, 27 November 1851, encl. in Smith to Grey, 16 December 1851. J.A. Froude: Two lectures on Soutb Africa, pp. 15 - 16; G.W. Cox: The Life of John William Colenso, p. 54. J. Prinsloo and 1.1. Burgar to G.T. Napier. 7 April 1841, Bird. l Annals of Natal, pp. 624 - 625. F.R Statbarn; Blacks. Beers and British, p. 107. M. Natban: The Voortrekkers of Soutb Africa - from tbe earliest times to tbe foundation oftbe Republics, pp. 302 - 305. -115- permission to render protection to Zulu refugees who wished to be imder British control. Napier had to strengthen the bond between the Cape Colony and Natal Zulus through special agents and missionaries. '36 Under duress, he received authorisation from Lord John Russell to resume the military occupation of Natal. This was on condition that he did not interfere with the Voortrekkers, unless the British colonists or Zulu "friends" of the British were attacked. 137 With the latter as a pretext, he informed the Colonial Office that executing Russell's decision would cause an influx of Zulus over the Cape eastern borders which would threaten peace.'" He further argued that the Voortrekkers planned to move Zulus to an area belonging to Faku without his consent. Therefore he found it necessary to order Captain T.c. Smith who was already in uMlazi to annex Port Natal. Napier instructed Smith to refrain from interfering in the civil concerns of the Voortrekkers, whose internal arrangements were not to be abrogated or disturbed. 13' He was to intervene only when the Voortrekkers organised a commando against the Zulus on pretence of recovering stolen cattle."" After thorough investigation of facts, he would allow such a commando and accompanied by an "adequate military force" of the British. He also had to ensure that 136 137 "8 13. I. Russell to G. Napier, 17 April 1841, Bird. I. Annals ofNatal, p. 640. V.c. Malherbe: What They Said. 1795 - 1910 History Documents, pp. 79 - 83. F.R Slatham: Blacks, Beers and Britis!l, p. 109.. I.A.I. Agar-Hamilton: The Native Policv of the Voortrekkers, p. 145. -116- Zulu women and children were under no circumstances captured by the Voortrekkers.I<' Furthermore, a Proclamation of thirteen articles was sent by Napier in which the terms of Voortrekker allegiance to the British were explained. The agreements reached during the negotiations of the Voortrekkers with Napier's representative were included ill the proclamation of 2 December 1841 signed by Sir George Napier. It announced the re- occupation ofNatal and declared the Voortrekkers were British subjects.''' The proclamation also contained accusations of Voortrekker maltreatment of Mpande's renegade subjects in Natal. On 21 February 1842, the Secretary of the Volksraad, 1.1. Burger, refuted accusations against the Voortrekkers in the proclamation.''' He argued that the planned removal of Zulus from the "White area" was not cruel, but humane action as animosity and bloodshed would be avoided.'"" In his letter, the Secretary emphasized that the Voortrekkers were not willing to bow under foreign rule, not because of a cancerous acrimony against the British, but due to their desire to rule themselves."; '4() '4' 141 '43 '44 14; R7V41: Volksraad to Governor Napier, 14 January 1841. Cf Voortrekker - argief stukke, pp. 117 - 120. D.W. Kriiger: Die Weg na die See. Cr. Archives Yearbook for South African History, Vol. I, 1949, pp. 68 - 70. W.B. Cloete: The History of the Great Beer Trek and the Origin of the South African Republics, pp. 133 - 136. G.M Theat: History of South Afri~ pp. 441 -445. J. Stuart: De Hollandsche Afrikanen en hunne Republiek in Zuid-Afrika, p. 151. Ibid., p. 151; Lord Stanley to G.T. Napier, ID April 1842, Bird. L Annals of atal, pp. 701,703. -117- Napier was not distracted by the letter from the Secretary of the VoIksraad. On 12 May 1842 the British land forces under T.C. Smith reached the harbour and informed Pretorius that they were sent to protect the Zulu refugees.'46 Colonel A.J. Cloete from whom the Voortrekkers confiscated approximately 700 oxen, joined Smith on 24 June 1842. He allegedly encouraged local Zulus in Natal to attack the Voortrekkers. 147 Subsequently, besides plundering Voortrekker farms, the Zulus confiscated Voortrekker cattle at Mhlanga. When Pretorius complained about these incidents, Cloete argued that they were the result of events which: "You and your unfortunate, misguided people brought about by your acts of determined hostilities towards Her Majesty's Govemment and Troops. "148 Cloete sent messengers to calm the local Zulus in a bid to normalise the situation. His conscience, however, incriminated him for using the local Zulus against the Voortrekkers. On 3 July 1842, Cloete thus wrote to Napier: "If England will not put down the Boers by her own legitimate means, it were better to abandon the project altogether, and submit even to the insult we have received, than '46 14i 148 c.J. Uys: In the Era of Sbepstone. p. 21. . Cloete to MontagU, ID November 1843, Bird, I. Annals of Natal, p. 61 t. C.O. 48/246: Cloete to Pretorius, 4 July 1842, p. 43. -118- adopt the degrading process ofenlisting the savage in our cause, or call upon the Zulu assegais to commit all the atrocities of indiscriminate bloodshed and spoliation. "1'9 The conflict between the Voortrekkers and the British had an adverse effect on Mpande's relations with the Republic. The Republic of Natalia was subjected to Cloete on 15 July 1842.150 The Voortrekkers surrendered to the British mainly due to Mpande's promise of assistance to the British. The Voortrekker delegates, Van Aardt and Solomon Maritz, went to Cloete and found Mpande's emissaries there I51 To them this proved Mpande's support for the British course. Cloete gave Mpande the impression that the British occupation of the Republic of Natalia meant the defeat of the Voortrekker power to which his Zulus owed vassalage. l52 Mpande appeared to be pleased with the British occupation of Natal. Years later, his son Cetshwayo commented perceptively that: u. he did not trust the latter [i.e. the British} and was always in fear that they would turn on him and make further demands. "153 1'9 92 93 94 9' W.C. Holden: The Colonv ofNatal, p. 141; Cloete to Napier, 3 July 1842, Bird. t Annals of ataJ, p. 618. B. Cloete to 1. Montagu, 14 June 1844, Bird.1l Annals of Natal, p. 397. G.?. Cory: The Rise of South Africa. Cf. Archive Yearbook for South African History. Vol. L 1939,161. Journals of Adulphe Delegorgue and P.H. Zietsman, Bird. L Annals of Natal, pp. 553-99. C.O. 879/1, P.RO.: Evidence of Cetshwayo, minutes of7 July 1881 and additions and notes on e\>idence, pp. 523-4. -119- The British renegade and adventurer, John Dunn, kept the Zulu king up to date about the struggle between the British and the Voortrekkers. When informed about the surrender of the Voortrekkers, Mpande expelled some of them from KwaZulu and destroyed all homesteads under their control. l54 This re-kindled the flight of his subjects to Natal ill large numbers. The British did not prevent the Zulu influx into Natal. Instead, T.C. Smith announced that: "the KajJirs are to be permitted to remain unmolested on the land they presently occupy, no force is to be used against them for procuring the restitution of the cattle taken by them during the period when the Emigrants were in rebellion ... "J5S It should be noted, however, that Smith's announcement also applied to Africans already in Natal. It is not proof that the British were not prepared to prevent a Zulu influx. Because the annexation of Natal in 1842 first had to be confirmed, Napier allowed the Republic's Volksraad to continue to function. All suggestions of this council in lieu of the Natal Zulus were obstructed and disapproved. 156 96 '" G.S. Preller: Voonrekkermense, p. 38; G.E. Cory: The Rise of South Africa, p. 162. G.T. Napier to T.e. Smith, 19 August 1842, Bird, 11 Annals of Natal, pp. 95 - 96. F.R. Cana: South Africa from the Great Trek to the Union, pp. 12 - 15. -120- Lieutenant-Colonel Cloete presented the proclamation of 12 May 1843 to the Volksraad in Pietermaritzburg. The proclamation stated that there would be legally no difference between colour, origin, language or religion. No aggression against the Zulus and no slavery would be tolerated. l57 The British laws disregarded all agreements the Voortrekkers previously concluded with Mpande. The Voortrekkers were called upon to present their views regarding the judicial and other local institutions introduced by the British. I " They requested that Zulu refugees be moved to the area north of the Thukela, except those who wished to work in White areas I '. Cloete made it clear to the Volksraad that the British were not prepared to differentiate between Whites and Blacks I60 The British were determined to curb Voortrekker advance to the east coast. They realised that the possible harbour at St. Lucia estuary was situated in the area Mpande had previously promised to the Voortrekkers in payment of the commando costs against Dingane. 161 The Voortrekkers did not regard St. Lucia Bay as part of the British annexation of the Republic of Natalia. While negotiating with the British Commissioner, they excluded St. Lucia. l62 They mentioned that the Republic's Volksraad 99 100 101 102 103 104 Cloete's Final Report, 30 May 1844, Bird. I. Annals of Natal, pp. 529 - 532. V.c. MaJherbe: What Thev Said. 1795 - 19 IO HistOry Documents. pp. 79 - 83. A. Cloete to Napier, 4 July 1842, Bird.. I. Annals ofNataJ. pp. 40 - 42. J. Beall et aI: Conceptualising Natal-implications of a regional political economy. p.31. C.J. Uys: In the Era of ShepSlom; p. 35. Ibid., p. 35. -121- had sent Hans de Lange previously to investigate St. Lucia as a potential harbour. '63 The British authorities regarded the stabilisation of the relationship between Natal Colony and the kingdom of Mpande as of crucial importance. Cloete had to determine borders in accordance with the Zulu king, aiming at securing British the possession of St. Lucia Bay.'" Cloete viewed St. Lucia Bay as a pre-requisite in finalising the annexation of Natal Colony. He argued: "So long as the Emigrant farmers beyond the Drakensberg still continue in an insane struggle for independence, and are (l grieve to think) encouraged by a few wicked and desperate characters, who are still allowed to reside within this territory, and as long as they indulge in hopes ofbeing provided with ammunition and other necessities ... by keeping open some communication with the sea, it will be impossible to expect the inhabitants of this colony to be entirely free from the contamination and excitement prevailing around them. "165 On 18 September 1843, Cloete visited Mpande at his Nodwengu headquarters. The Voortrekkers in his company were taken along to prove to Mpande that they had yielded to the British rule ' " Cloete 10' '06 IOi '08 S.N.A. 1/1/11: H. Cloete to J. Mootagu. 29 October 1843. G.M. TheaJ: History of South Africa, p. 454. H. Cloete to J. Montagu. 29 October 1843. Bird. Il Annals of Natal. p. 302. G.M. Theal: The Republic of Natal, p. 9: R.R.R. Dhlomo: Umpande Ka Semangakhona pp. 31 - 36: G.M Theal: Historv of South Afrigt, p. 455. -122- suggested to Mpande that he transfers St. Lucia Bay to the British. He assured the Zulu king that this would benefit both KwaZulu and Natal Colony because England would exclude all other European powers from this Bay.167 According to a statement made before landdrost 1.e. Kock in 1885 by D.e. Uys, who accompanied Cloete, Mpande refused to do this. '" Cloete then asked the Zulu king to sign his name on a piece of paper to prove that he did visit KwaZulu. 169 D.C. Uys added that when Cloete introduced the British as Mpande's protectors and the Voortrekkers as adversaries of the Zulu nation, Mpande responded that "de Boeren zijn beschermers waren [the Boers were his protectors]."170 Four years later Mpande ceded this area to the Voortrekkers. This proved that it was unlikely that Mpande intended to hand over this region to the British. '71 In June 1843 Mpande realised that the influx of Zulu refugees into Natal weakened his authority. He requested T.C. Smith to send the refugees and their cattle back to KwaZulu.'" Smith ignored Mpande's plea as well as the request of the Voortrekkers that Zulu refugees be kept in locations. 109 110 III 112 113 114 S.N.A. l/IIlI: H.cIoete to 1. Montague. 29 October 1843. w.J. Leyds: Hetlnsluiten van de Boeren-Republieken, p. 64. c.l. Uys: In the Era of Shepstone, p. 42. G.S. Preller. Andries Pretorius, p. 474: W.J. Leyds: Het Insluiten van de Boeren-Republieken, pp. 64-5. F.A.F. Wichmann: Die WordingsgC'Skiedenis van die Zuid-Afrikaansche Reoubliek. Cf. Archive YearlJook for South African History. Vol. H. 1~41, pp. ~j~-ol. S.N.A l/I/II: T. Smith to G. Napier, 26 June 1843. -123- The fast diminishing herds of cattle in KwaZulu was of great concern as Mpande slowly lost authorityl7J This was further exacerbated by the actions of the Swazi king Sobhuza IT. He attacked Mpande's outposts and looted all the cattle. 174 Subsequently Mpande informed the Voortrekkers of his planned retaliation against the Swazis. The Voortrekker Commandant General A.H. Potgieter assured Mpande of their neutrality in any battle between Zulus and Swazis175 However, he warned Mpande that the murder of Swazi women and children would be unacceptable to the Voortrekkers. He further stressed that the Voortrekkers and the Swazis retained friendly relations. "6 Whilst the relations between the Voortrekkers and Mpande were cordial, Zulu refugees caused displeasure for both parties In 1840 there were some 2 000 or 3000 Zulu refugees in Natal and by 1843 they increased to 50 000177 Five years later this number doubled. In December 1845, many dissatisfied Voortrekkers left for the interior, causing great concern to the local British administrators. m In May 1846, Sir Peregrine Maitland, the Cape Governor, advised the Natal authorities 115 116 117 11" 119 120 G.s. Preller. Andries Pretori\!S, p. 477. J.R. Sullivan: The Native PolicY of Sir Theophilus Shepstone, p. 55. J.J. van Heerden: VoortrekkerWetgewing, p. 61: A.J. du Plessis: Die Republiek Natalia p. 146. G.M. Theal: History of South Africa. p. 457. A.J. du Plessis: Die Republiek Natalia pp. 151 - 152.. E.R Brookes: This History of Native Policy in South Africa from 1830 to the present day. p. 81. -124- to prevent further Voortrekker emigration by complying to Voortrekker claims to permanent ownership of farms. 179 He wrote: "If any reasonable arrangements as to the grants of Land better suited to their feelings and wishes could be devised, than that which was before made by the Government, I think it would be wise to relax the existing Regulation, and make this attempt to check the emigration. "180 However, Maitland was not willing to act against the renegade Zulus within Natal Colony because no British military reinforcements were available. He suggested that problems with Mpande be avoided at all costs181 The Lieutenant-Governor Martin West brushed aside the advice of Maitland and attempted to place Zulu refugees in locations. On 31 March 1846 Martin West, applying his previous experiences onthe Cape Eastern frontier, instituted a location CommissionI81 This Commission was to be chaired by the Surveyor-General, W.Stanger with Theophilus Shepstone and missionary Adams as members. l83 The Commission had to place all Zulu refugees in locations in such a manner as would best prevent any collision between their interests and those of the Voortrekkers. l84 121 122 I!J 124 I2S 126 M.M. Behn: The Klip River Insurrection (Unpublished MA. Dissertation. Natal, 1932), p. 21 B.P.P.: Maitland tn G1adstone, D.130, 12 August 1846. CO. 179/29, P.RO: Minutes, regarding Gladstone to Maitland, 3 July 1846. S,NA 1/1/2: Memoirs and writings of Sir Theophilus Shepstone, Jan - August 1847. MM Behn: The Klip River Insurrection (Unpublished MA. Dissertation. Natal, 1932), p. 24. W.P. Morrell: British Colonial Policy in the Age of Peel and Russell. p. 146. -125- The plan was approved by the Voortrekkers and Pretorius warned West that the Zulu people were generally somewhat obedient, but that Mpande kept them in their place. If Mpande should disappear things could turn worse.'" In such an instance all Zulu refugees in Natal Colony would unite with their fellowmen across the Thukela and ignore the British authorities. To prevent this and gain the <:onfidence of the Voortrekkers they had to be put in locations'S6 Andries Pretorius suggested adequate space and localities for these locations to be developed. He was in favour of small locations the inhabitants could be used as a buffer against any adversaries from outside. The number of locations had to be limited to five in order to keep the costs low. ls' Zulu occupants had to be disarmed and trade in arms to be discontinued. According to Pretorius the stay of Voortrekkers in Natal Colony depended on implementing these conditions'" West became abdurate and the Location Commission appointed received little Voortrekker support. Two million acres were eventually allocated to the 128 129 130 G.S. Preller: Voortrekkermense, pp. 207, 212: M.M. Behn: The Klip River Insurrection (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Natal, 1932). p. 27. H.Stander: Die Verhouding tussen die Boere en Zoeloe lot die dood van Mpande in 1872, p. 283. G.S. Preller: Voortrekkermense. pp. 219 - 229: W.P. Morrell: British Colonial PolicY in the Aee ofPeel and Russell, p. 149. e.O. 179/5, P.RO.: A.W.l. Pretorius to Martin WesL 6 March 1846: G.S. Preller: Voortrekkerrnense, p. 225. -126- Zulus for re-settlement and many Voortrekkers left Natal Colonyl89 Pretorius argued that: "It is by far preferable to live amongst wild and ravenous animals than in the midst ofsuch sly monster ofcruelty. 190 [i. e. the British authorities] Some Voortrekkers proceeded with all their earthly possessions north and west of the Drakensberg (Khahlamba) mountains. Another group remained on their farms south of the Thukela inspite of the Zulu influx. There were also Voortrekkers who still regarded the area between Thukela and Black Mfolozi as their territory; separate and independent from the part of Natal occupied by the British. l9I Their claim was later legitimised by Sir Theophilus Shepstone's memorandum of 18 November 1878. It argued that the rights of the Voortrekkers to that area were not made worthless by subsequent agreements or occurrences. The proclamation of 14 February 1840 was never specifically withdrawn or set aside l92 Both Mpande and the Voortrekkers felt offended by the British inclusion of this area in the Colony of Natal. 193 131 132 133 134 13' A.I. du P1essis: Die Republiek NaJalia Cf. Archives Yearbook for South African History. VoL L 1942, pp. 151- 153. C. W. de Ki""iet: British Colonial Poliev and the South African Republics. pp. 207-9. W.R Ludlow: Zululand and Cetshwavo. pp. 202 - 204: WJ. Leyds: Het InIuiten van de Boeren-Repub1ieken, pp. 316 - 317. F.L. cachet: De Worstelstryd der Transvalers, p. 226: W.J. Leyds: Het InIuiten vand de Boeren Republieke!1, pp. 316 - 317. e.0. 179/50. P.R.O. A.T. Spies to W. Harding. 27 September 1847. -127- In 1847, there were already 70 families in the area where A.T. Spies, C. van Rooyen, 1. de Lange, N. Smith, J. Meyer and D.e. Uys promoted friendly ties with Mpande. IO' Andries Spies, Gert van Niekerk, Isak van Niekerk and Lodewyk de Jager, accompanied by a Zulu interpreter Mkhonto (alias Assegai), at this stage went to Mpande who told them that his area stretched up to the Thukela. '9s The Zulu king denied that he had given up the area between Thukela and Mzinyathi (Buffalo) Rivers to the British.'96 Mpande wanted to pursue a "milder and more peaceful" diplomacy. He welcomed the Voortrekkers as a buffer between his kingdom and the British. To determine the border between the Voortrekkers and the Zulus, Mpande sent a few of his headmen to the Voortrekkers. '97 It was agreed that the whole area up to Mzinyathi River would be occupied by the Voortrekkers. Spies first wanted to ensure that the land did not belong to 136 19S 196 197 A.I. du Plessis: Die Republiek alalia er. Archive Yearbook for South African History. Vol. l 1942, p. 214: I.F. van Oordt Paul Kruger en de opkOmSl van de Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek.. pp. 53 - 56. C.O. 179/50, P.RO.: AT. Spies to W. Harding, 27 September 1847. M.C. van Zyl: Luitentant-Goewemeur Martin West en die Natalse Voortrekkers. 1845 - 1849, p. 135. TJ. Lucas: The Zulus and the British Frontiers, pp. 109 - 110; B.P.P: Statement T. Shepstone - installing Cetshwayo, August 1873. pp. 5 - 7. -128- " ~lpand~ts Cession to ,the, Klip' .Ri'\rer?Settlers.,JaIlU~ry 1847 o 10:, 20 ~, b' ;"===?~=;:;?:==~I er. S.NA 1/6/2. P.RO.: Lieutenant Governor to Mpande. January 1847 -129- the British. I " He only accepted it after the headmen and Mpande had given him repeated assurance. The deeds of distance determined that the area situated between Mzinyathi and Thukela Rivers was given to the Voortrekkers for an amount of 1 000 riksdaalders. '99 Mpande further accepted Spies as Zulu "headman" and awarded him an emblem. These Klip River Voortrekkers felt safe and independent. Instead of the vague and rather annoying government of foreigners, they had set up governmental machinery, to their liking and suitable in their peculiar position.200 They could take their own safety precautions, register their own farms without the regulation and restrictions of the British.'ol The arrangement with the Klip River Voortrekkers was of great significance to Mpande. Lieutenant-Governor Pine viewed him as a monarch with a "double-agenda". He argued that Mpande promoted his own case "with the ulterior object of creating dissension between the Voortrekkers and the British.''''o' Mpande was perceived as applying a policy of division and profiting indirectly from this situation. 190 199 200 201 T.S. van Rooyen: Die Vemouding tussen die Boere, Engelse en Narurelle in die geskiedenis van die Vos-Transvaal. cr Archive Yearbook for South African History. VoU, 1951, pp. 47 - 48. G.E. Cory: The Rise of South Africa, pp. 84 - 85. M.M Hehn: The Klip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublished MA Dissertaiton, aral, 1932), p. 12. RJ. Mann: The Colony ofNatal, pp. 25 - 26, G.E.Cory: The Rise of South Africa, pp. 84 - 85. L.Young: The Native Policy of Benjamin Pine in Natal, 1850 - 1855. Cf. Archive Yearbook for South African History, Vol. 11, 1951, p. 215. -130- Mpande wished to enter into a defensive military treaty with the Voortrekkers. This was further prompted by Zulu refugees in Natal who wanted Mpande deposed and accused the British authorities of indifference to Mpande's alleged persecution of Zulus in KwaZulu203 Mpande was also infuriated by the prolonged protection the British gave to Zulu refugees, while Andries Spies and his Klip River government exercised strict control over visits of instigators against Mpande. 21)' The Zulu monarch maintained cordial ties with the Voortrekkers in the Klip River area and those to the west of the Drakensberg. He even asked them to send representatives to him, though no clear agreement existed regarding the border between the Transvaal Republic and KwaZulu. 205 In his negotiations with Spies, it was decided that the Mzinyathi should be border, but the source of this river was not the Drakensberg.206 It took a sharp curve in the north east and the Transvaal Voortrekkers infiltrated through this area up to KwaZulu. 207 In this way they easily established contact with the Klip River Voortrekkers. The British authorities in Natal were unaware of the existence of the Klip River area as an independent state until four months after Mpande had 203 204 205 206 207 Ibid., p. 216. 1.S.A., VD!. 3, Evidence ofMankazana, 19 April 1905, p. 211; G.E. COl)': The Rise of South Africa, p. 81. 1.0. Huyser: Die Naturelle-Politiek van die Suid-Afrikaanse Republie!<, p. 92. C.W. de Kiewiet: British Colonial Policv and the South African Republics. 1848 1872, p. 105. G.E. COl)': The Rise of South Afri~ p. 84. -131- surrendered the land to the Voortrekkers. 208 They were under the impression that this area formed part of Natal Colony and after the death of P.C. Scheepers, one of the residents of the area, sent an auctioneer (p. Ferreira) to sell his farm "Renosterfontein.''209 Andries Spies and other delegates of the "Klip River Republic" protested violently against the British interference. Ferreira had to return to Pietermaritzburg with no result. They argued that no one had a right to interfere with a country they bought from Mpande."? The British authorities rejected the independence of the Klip River Voortrekkers and their friendship with Mpande. They feared that the Klip River Voortrekkers, in cahoots with the Zulu king, could invade Natalm In a desperate attempt to subject these Voortrekkers to British power, two Natal Zulus (Zashuke and Nomzwezwe) were sent to Andries Spies with a letter and a few copies of a document which indicated the borders of Natal, including the Klip River area as part of Natal Colony21' Spies returned the documents unopened with the message: 210 211 21::! M.C. van Zyl: Lurtenant-Goewerneur Martin West en die ataIse Voortrekkers, 1845 1849, p. 156. J .0. Huyser: Die aturelle-Politiek van die Suid-Afrikaanse Republjek-, p. 92. C.O. 179/50, P.R.O.: P. Ferreira to D. Moodie, 21 May 1847; C.W. de Krewiet: British Colornal Policv and the South African Republics. 1848 - 1872, pp. 100-2. M.M. Behn: The Klip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublished M.A. Dissertation, Natal, 1932), pp. 13 - 15. J.SA., Vol. I, Evidence ofZashuka and Olllzwezwe, 12 May 1914, p. 27; S.N.A. 1/1/9, N.A: A Spies to Shepstone, 4 June 1847. -132- "It is out of my power to circulate them because they came too late. "213 Further, Spies expressed hopes that the British would leave the Klip River area. On the other hand the British authorities enquired why Mpande had repudiated the 1843 border regulation. The British rulers requested details with regard to his dealings with the Voortrekkers. 214 To avert the danger of an attack from Klip River and KwaZulu, the British in their turn decided to drive a wedge between Mpande and the Klip River Voortrekkers 215 As first step Lieutenant-Governor West notified Mpande that his pre-meditated attack on the Swazi had been of no concern to them, as long as he showed himself anxious to maintain good relations with the British. 216 The Zulu king accepted the British message and West was confident that this gesture of friendship would bear results. West's next step was to send a Zulu messenger Yenge to Mpande. He had to enquire about the demarcation of the Mzinyathi River as border between Natal Colony and KwaZulu. He wished to know about his 213 214 215 216 S.N.A. 1/3/8: A Spies to Shepstone, 15 June 1847; M.M. Behn: The Klip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Natal, 1932), pp. 14. e.O. 8791215: M. West to the Cape Governor, NoteBook 4,28 June 1847; G.E. Cory: The Rise of South Africa., p. 83. C.O. 879/J/xxiii: Ngoza to Shepstone, I July 1847: GE. Cory: The Rise of South Africa., p. 85. M.M. Behn: The Klip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Natal, 1932), pp. 15 - 17. -133- relationship with the Voortrekkers under A.H. Potgieter at Ohrigstad217 Although Mpande did not want to accept the Cloete agreement (1843) as binding, he declared himself willing to accept the Mzinyathi as border between himself and the British, except at the upper course of the river where some of his people had settled.'I' The Zulu monarch also admitted that he, Mvundlana and Nongalaza had entered into an agreement with A.T. Spies, but said the contents were not explained to them219 Mpande also denied that he had communicated with the Voortrekkers of Ohrigstad. In the meantime the British sent Archbell to Klip River to distribute copies of the proclamation of 1845 in which the borders of Natal Colony were indicated and to obtain information about their attitude."o The Voortrekkers of the area treated him with hostility. They declared that they received the land from Mpande and would rather live under the Zulu king whom they could trust and would protect them against any British aggression. 221 Further, they informed Archbell that Mpande only acknowledged the territory which king Dingane had previously granted to Piet Retief as British possession. Thus the Voortrekkers in the Klip River 21 i 218 219 220 221 S.N.A. 1/3/22: West to Mpande, 10 June 1847; M.M. Behn: The Klip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Natal, 1932), p. 18. J.D. Huyser: Die Naturelle-Politiek van die Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek, p. 94. C.O. 48/395, P.RO.: MWest to Mpande, 10 June 1847, reply from Mpande, 9 July 1847. SAAR: N, Message by Archbell, 15 July 1847; G.E. Cory: The Rise of South Africa, p.86. S.P.G.: Yenge to M. West, 9 July 1847: G.E. Cory: The Rise of South Africa, p. 87. -134- area openly declared their inclination not to honour any proclamation from the British, because they committed themselves to Mpande211 Spies assured Archbell that the Klip River Voortrekkers would be willing to enter a treaty of peace and commerce with the British, provided they acknowledged their territory as independent Republic. 2"'..3 Spies made Archbell to understand that they had accepted Mpande as their king and relied on him for support in any problem with either the British authorities or Natal Zulus. 224 Under these circumstances Archbell suggested to the Lieutenant-Governor not to make any arrests of Klip River Voortrekkers.225 This could "result in a rupture" between Mpande and the British colonial establishment ofNatal. Walter Harding, the Natal public prosecutor, suggested that a military force be sent to Klip River to enforce unqualified submission and to prevent the Voortrekkers from conspiring with Mpande against Natal. 226 Harding believed that reports sent by Mpande to Natal had been false and that the Zulu king collaborated with "obstinate" Voortrekkers. He warned Mpande that unless he was prepared to provide information regarding 222 223 224 226 C.O. 48/408, P.R.O.: A Spies to Archbell, 15 July 1847. S.N.A. 1/7/4, N.A.: A Spies and C Scheepers to Archbell, 15 July1847. C.O. 48/408, P.R.O: A Spies to Archbell, 15 July 1847. SAAR. N, Message by Archbelt, 15 July 1847: G.E. Cory: The Rise of South Africa, p.87. M. C. van Zyl: Luitenant-Goewemeur Martin West en die Natalse Voortrekkers, 1845 - 1849, p. 159. -135- arrangements he had made with the Voortrekkers, he would forfeit British friendship.:>:" Harding argued that measures should be adopted to depose the Zulu king and destroy his authority. This could be accomplished by means of Zulu refugees in Natal Colony. Mpande could then be replaced by a British Resident.228 Lieutenant-Governor West's different view was of opinion that Mpande's deposition would compel the Voortrekkers to leave Natal. This could result in the weakening of the Natal borders.= Mpande could use the opportunity to invade Natal Colony. In the meantime Yenge, the Natal messenger, returned to Pietermaritzburg with news that Mpande was still loyal to the British. This gave the Natal authorities the impression that Mpande no longer had such good relations with the Klip River Voortrekkers.2:J() Captain W.D. Kyle was delegated to buy gifts of?15 for Mpande and to persuade him to accept the Mzinyathi (Buffalo) River as Natal border. 231 He pleaded with Mpande for four months and even threatened him that a snub answer could spoil relations with the British232 227 228 231 232 e.0. 179/50, P.R.O.: West to Mpande, 16 July 1847; SAAR: N, Stanger to the Volksraad, 16 July 1847. M.e. van Zyl: Luitenant-Goewemeur Martin West en die Natalse Voortrekkers, 1845 - 1849, p. 159. M.M. Behn: The Klip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublished M.A. Dissertation, Natal, 1932), pp. 25 - 27. E.A. Walker: The Great Tre~ p. 361. . . e.0. 179/29, P.R.O.: Martin West to Mpande, 10 June 1847. S.N.A. 1/7/3, N.A., Interviews with Mpande's messengers, 3 August 1847. -136- Mpande and his Council emphasised that the treaty of 1843 had left the boundary open and they could not be persuaded otherwise.'" At that stage the British authorities learnt that Mpande and the Voortrekker representatives were negotiating about the area between the Mhlathuze and Thukela Rivers with the purpose of granting the Voortrekkers a free sea-passage."'"' This would connect Ohrigstad with St. Lucia Bay and ensure an offensive-defensive treaty with Mpande. m On 3 September 1847 the British issued a proclamation whereby the whole area proclaimed as Natal territory in 1845, remained as such. The Voortrekkers living in the area would not forfeit their land claims, provided they personally register their land properties in Pietermaritzburg before 1 October 1847.236 The contents of the proclamation came as a complete surpnse to the Voortrekkers. J. Uys insisted that the British send someone to Klip River to determine who had been outmaneuvered by the Zulu king - the Voortrekkers or the British.'37 He argued that the Voortrekkers acquired 213 236 23; M.M. Behn: The K1ip River Insurrection. 1847. (Unpublished M.A. Dissertation, Natal, 1932), pp. 21. EA Walker: The Great Trek, p. 363. J.Bird: The Early Days ofNatal, p. 84. C.O. 179/37, P.RO.: Proclamation - M.West and D. Moodie, 3 September 1847. H.C. Lugg: Historic Natal and Zulu land, p. 48. -137- land through legal negotiations with Mpande. He was convinced that they would leave the area if the new British proclamation was implemented.'38 On 27 September 1847 West sent Harding to the Klip River area to conduct the investigation. The Voortrekkers gave their co-operation to Harding.n9 Spies and Hans de Lange sent an invitation to Mpande requesting him to send his delegates Two emissaries, Sigagela and Vobo, came with a message from Mpande that he had granted the Klip River country to the Voortrekkers."o Mkhonto also confirmed that Mpande had previously told Shepstone and Kyle that the Klip River area had never been given to the British.'" Harding argued that no value could be placed on statements uttered by the delegates ofMpande. He concluded that Mpande: "has practised, and is practising the grossest deceit towards the British Government and his proceedings with reference to the Boers, amounts to the crime ofdeliberate fraud. ,..,,, 239 ''0 241 242 G.E. Cory: The Rise of South Africa, p. 79. M.C. van Zyl: Luitenant-Goewemeur Martin West en die Natalse Voortrekkers, 1845 - 1849, p. 162. M.M. Bebn: The KJip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublisbed MA Dissertation, Natal, 1932), pp. 28 - 30. C.J. Uys: In the Era ofSbepstone, p. 37. U. van Heerden: Die Kornmandant-Generaal in die Geskiedenis van die Suid Afukaanse Republiek, p. 86. -138- He accepted the evidence that the Voortrekkers only applied for the area after Mpande had denied on several occasions that he had given the area to the British. In spite thereof, Harding concluded that the Voortrekkers in the Klip River area were criminal trespassers. 243 He suggested, however, that they should not be criminally prosecuted as it would lead to the departure of the Voortrekkers in NataL'''' The country between the Thukela and Mzinyathi could be totally abandoned and this could have an injurious political effect on the mind of Mpande and his counsellors. 245 Harding agreed that Zulu refugees in the Klip River area and in Natal Colony should be placed in locations. Leniency to the Voortrekkers was based on the doubtful fact that they had been lured by attractive propositions ofMpande.2" Harding's report did not persuade Lieutenant-Governor West who rejected the assumption that Mpande had played a dubious role regarding the British establishment in Natal Colony. West argued that Mpande's alleged denial of previous border agreements relied only on Voortrekker witnesses.2" According to West the aim was to ignjte conflict between 243 245 2.. 241 M.M. Behn: The K1ip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Natal, 1932), p. 37. J.A. Farrar: Zululand and the Zulus, pp. 48 - 52. 1.1. van Heerden: Die Komrnandant-Generaai in die Geskiedenis van die Suid Afrikaanse Republiek, p. 88. A.P. van de Merwe: Die Voorgeskiedenis van die Republiek Lydenburg, p. 5 I. A.I. du Plessis: Die Republiek Natalia. ef. Archive Yearbook for South African History, Vol, 1,1942, p. 215. Mpande and Natal Colony. -139- He was willing to accept that the Voortrekkers should be pardoned for their past freedom actions, on condition they took an oath of allegiance to the Natal authorities.'" Surveyor-General Harding viewed Mpande as a monarch who wished a discord between the Voortrekkers and the British."9 The Executive Council in Pietermaritzburg resolved that Mpande had to be approached by a delegation to strengthen the treaty "avoiding, however, anything that may afford him a plea for a rupture at a time when the British Force in South Africa is fully occupied elsewhere.''250 Four days later Mpande's emissary MhIeWe came to West with a contradictory message. The Zulu king, according to Mhlehle, accepted the border agreements as presented by Kyle. 25I It was, however, too far from the Zulu territory and the Thukela River had to serve as border. Mpande further wished to settle some of his subjects in the vicinity of the Mzinyathi to prevent refugees from crossing over into Natal Colony.2.12 West carried out his plan to compel the Klip River Voortrekkers to take an oath of allegiance and to name J.N. Boshoff as Resident Magistrate of the 248 249 251 252 MM. Behn: The K1ip River Insurrection. 1847. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, ataI, 1932), pp. 37 - 39. A.P van der Merwe: Die Voorgeskiedenis van die Republiek Lydenburg, p. 53. F.A.F. Wichmann: Die Wordingsgeskiedenis van die Zuid-Afrikaanse Republiek. Cf. Archive Yearbook for South African History, Vo!' II, 1941, p. 12L M.M Behn: The K1ip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Natal, 1932), pp. 38 - 39. M.C. van Zyl: Luitenant-Goewemeur Martin West en die Natalse Voortrekkers, 1845 1849, p. 165. -140- territory!" A military post, proposed by Haniing for the protection of the Voortrekkers could be established in that region. On 16 November 1847 Boshoff arrived on the farm of Abraham Spies to help taking down the oaths. But the Klip River Voortrekkers were prepared to rather leave the area immediately, instead of taking oaths. This they were prepared to do even if it meant leaving their harvests on the fields.25-l They notified Mpande about their decision through Gert van Niekerk and made him to understand that they were compelled to take oaths to the British.255 Boshoff viewed the mission of Gert van Niekerk in a serious light and was convinced that the influence ofKlip River Voortrekkers such as Spies and de Lange on Mpande was much bigger than the Natal authorities had realised.:!? The Magistrate became even more upset when van Niekerk returned with a message from Mpande that the king loathed the British actions and was preparing an army to clear the country between Klip River and the Mzimvubu. 257 It upset Boshoff so much that he summoned a military force of 100 men to prevent any attack. He made arrangements to have A.T. Spies apprehended. 258 The situation worsened when 255 25; Ibid., p. 165. S. .A. 113122: J. . Boshoffto Moodie, 20 November 1847. e.0. 179120, P.RO.: J.N. Boshoffto Moodie, 24 ovember 1847. M.M. Behn: The KJip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Natal, 1932), p. 43. W.e. Holden: The Colonv of atal, p. 158: e.0. 179120, P.RO.: Umbokwarna to T. Shepstone, I December 1847. H.Stander: Die Verhouding tussen die Boere en Zoeloe tot die dood van Mpande in 1872, p. 300. -141- Voortrekkers in the Klip River area moved into laagers and sent out letters to encourage other Voortrekkers to do likewise.!;9 To prevent the danger of a Zulu attack on Natal Colony, Boshoff suggested that Mpande should be persuaded to validate his friendship with the British. He argued that the Voortrekkers who had instigated Mpande against the Colony, shoul be arrested."o On the contrary, the Board Members reacted negatively to Boshoff's suggestion. They proposed that the British should evacuate Natal Colony completely or limit their territory to the Port Natal harbour and surrounding areas.'6' This would eliminate the danger of a Zulu attack on Natal Colony. A Zulu menace could only be countered by the presence of a strong armed force of civilians mounted with fIrearms.'6! The situation could be salvaged by the granting of the Klip River area to the Voortrekkers. These people could then assist to defend the colony against any Zulu invaders or other north- easteni clans.!63 In the meantime Mpande's plans to attack Natal Colony progressed smoothly. To assemble the strongest possible military force for this 259 !60 261 262 263 W.e. Holden: The Colony ofNatal. p. (j9; e.O. 179/20, P.R.O: 1. N. Boshoffto Moodie, 24 November 1847. G.E.Cory: The Rise of South Afri~ p. 78; H.e. Lugg: Historic Natal and Zululand, p.48. e.l. Uys: In the Era of Shepstone, p. 40. 1.F. van Oord!: Paul Kruger en de Opkomst van de Zuid-Afrikaansche Republiek, pp. 56 - 57. . RI33/48: A.WJ. Pretorius to M. West, 26 January 1848; H.C Lugg: Historic Natal and ZuluIanQ-, p. 48. -142- purpose, not only an invitation was sent to the Voortrekkers in the Free State, but also a letter written to the Ohrigstad Volksraad."'" They were informed that Mpande was on the verge of cleaning Natal of British authority and that conditions of the Voortrekkers at Klip River called for keeping the Cape Colony always in conflict with native clans on their eastern borders.'" Andries Pretorius sent Hans de Lange, accompanied by Mkhonto, to Mpande with the message: "We are now assembled as you (panda) told us to wait and see whether the British Government will take possession of that country or not, now declare yourself, assemble your arms, come to us and let us see each other as this business is your question. ",.. It was made clear to Mpande that he was the reason of the conflict and therefore compelled to assist the Voortrekkers. Mpande agreed and undertook not to send his army to the Voortrekkers at Platberg in the Klip River area as requested, but to invade Natal Colony southwards.'?; lnspite 265 ,.. '167 G.S.Preller: Amlries Pretorius, p. 119. C.W. de Kiewiet: British Colonial Policv and the South African Republics 1848 1872, p. 54. H.Stander: Die Verhouding tussen die Boere en Zoeloe tot die dood van Mpande in 1872, p. 302. C.W. de Kiewiet: British Colonial Policy and the South African Republics, 1848 1872, pp. 55. -143- of his solemn undertakings, the Zulu king had no plans to co-operate with the Voortrekkers268 The reason was that the chances of success were limited for a small group of Klip River Voortrekkers, surrounded by unco-operative Zulu refugees to conquer the British forces. Mkhonto also played a double role and convinced Mpande to give up the contemplated invasion. He assured the Zulu king that the British were more powerful than the Voortrekkers and then left for Pietermaritzburg to tell everything to the British.'69 This resulted in Mpande's complete change of attitude. In January 1848 the king sent a delegation consisting of Gebhula, Tshatsha, Mahhubulwana, Mtshelwana and Madala to Theophilus Shepstone (Diplomatic Agent) in Pietermaritzburg to keep him updated with the plans of the Klip River Voortrekkers.270 They told Shepstone that Mpande wished to live in peace and friendship with the British. The Voortrekkers in the Laagers at Doornkop concluded that negotiations with Mpande were unsuccessful. They then prepared themselves to move over the Drakensberg to a free territory in the interior. 271 268 269 270 :m G.S. Preller: Amiries Pretorius, p. 120. M.M. Behn: The Klip River Insurrection, 1847. (Unpublisbed M.A. Dissertation, Natal, 1932), pp. 49 - 53. M. C. van Zyl: Luitenant-Goewerneur Manin West en die Natalse Voortrekkers, 1845 _ 1849, p. 172: c.J. Uys: In the Era ofSbepstone, p. 28. RP.P. - MWest to T. Sbepstone, 3 January 1848; S.N.A. 11112: D.e. Toonev to D. Moodie, 28 December 1848; C.J. Uys: In the Era ofSbepstone, p. 28. -144- The British colonial establishment in Natal sent messages to Mpande threatening him with deposition if he kept on antagonising the Colony.'" The Voortrekkers were simultaneously notified that the British would supply firearms to the Zulus in the event of being attacked by any group of people.'" But Mpande was not playing in British hands, he allowed C. Van Rooyen and other Voortrekkers to stay in the Hlubi area. This later became known as the district of Utrecht. Van Rooyen was later appointed as official ambassador of the Voortrekkers to Mpande m In April 1852 Andries Pretorius sent van Rooyen, Mbopha and Mkholomba to Mpande with the message that he had named his son, M.W. Pretorius as his successor. They applied to Mpande for a piece of land that stretched eastwards up to the sea. The land would stretch from the Drakensberg via Blood (Ncome) River and the Bhalule mountains up to the banks of the White Mfolozi, from where it stretched up to the sea, including the whole coastal area between the Mhlathuze and Thukela Rivers.'" The Voortrekker deputation arrived at Nodwengu in August 1852 and Mpande signed the official deeds and was assisted by three of 272 !i3 274 '175 L. Young: The Native Policy of Benjarnin Pine in Natal, 1850 - 1855. ef. Archive Yearbook for South African History, Vol. IT, 1951, pp. 218 - 220. S.N.A 1/6n. PRO.: Lieutenant Governor to Mpande, 15 June1848; M.M. Behn: The Klipriver ~ection, 1847. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Natal, 1932), p. 56. S.N.A 1/6/2: Tojo and Hemulawa to Mpande, 28 August 1848: S.N.A. 1/617: Memorandum No. 13,1. Rorke, 3 May 1870. G.J. Re}necke: Utrecht in die Geskiedenis van die Transvaal tot 1877. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Pretoria, 1956), pp. 8 - 9. -145- his headmen (izinduna).276 An Mpande exercised a fair degree of autonomy over his adherents in inkosi Senzangakhona's Mlambongwenya (or Mfemfe) homestead at Eshowe. He built up a substantial support base, especially among the semi- autonomous amakhosi (chiefs). This precluded Dingane from embarking upon the same kind of purges as he did against his other half brothers and potential rivals. 6 Mpande was blushed aside by Dingane until the early 1830's when he became recognised as a potential candidate for the kingship.' In 1832 Dingane made an unsuccessful attempt on Mpande's life. In 1837 4 6 R Edgecombe (Ed): ?Bringing forth Light - five uacks on Bishop Co1enso's Zulu Missio!!, pp. 47 - 50. J.B. Wrightand D.R Edgecombe: Mpande kaSenzangakhona, C. 1798 - 1872. Cf c.c. Saunders: Black Leaders in Southern African History, p. 45. KC.. Stuan Papers. Notes on the life ofHenry Fynn, 1 May 1903. A Kuper. The hou:s., and Zulu political structure in the 19'" Century, VoL 34, p. !O5. -239- Mpande failed to comply with Dingane's demands for regiments to take part in a proposed raid on king Sobhuza II of Swaziland. But Mpande sensed that this could be a plot of his half-brother to get rid of him and therefore gave feeble excuses for not complying. Mpande was confidentially advised by Ndlela ka Sompisi Ntuli to move southwards with his followers. He crossed the Thukela and settled in the Mvoti area. In 1839 Mpande sought closer ties with the Voortrekkers in preparation for a military showdown against Dingane.' The external and colonial- based military assistance rendered to Mpande in the dynastic struggle signified a turning point in the internal affairs of the Zulu kingdom. King Shaka as well as Dingane had tried to attain white trader support from Port Natal through direct participation or firearm supplies? Mpande's decision to seek an alliance with the Voortrekkers symbolised the likelihood for future agreements and appeals. This could be mutually profitable - Mpande gaining protection and the Voortrekkers close knowledge of the Zulu Royal House and traditions. It also underlined the need for rival groups within KwaZulu to appeal to external powers for support. ? ? W.P. Lye: The Ndebele Kingdom south of the Limpopo river. Journal of African History. sx. I. 1969. p. 11. . A. Kuper: The house and Zulu political suucrure in the 19'" Century. Va!. 34, p. 105. -240- The decade of the 1840's was then initiated by a joint effort of the Voortrekkers and Mpande's Zulu faction to crush the power of Dingane. 'o It is imperative to note that while Mpande had entered into a military alliance with Andries Pretorius against Dingane, his army led by Nongalaza ka Nondela Mnyandu fought those of Dingane, led by Ndlela ka Sompisi Ntuli without any Voortrekker military involvementll The Voortrekker forces of Pretorius were still assembling and preparing on the banks of the Black Mfolozi when they heard that Mpande had defeated Dingane at Maqongqo in January 1840." Mpande was installed as Dingane's successor and king over the Zulu nation without the same independent sovereignty as his predecessors. Magema Fuze, a Zulu chronicler of events gave a rather laconic expression of the event: "... That was done (pretorius) ... "13 by Potolozi The British soldiers had, however, abandoned Port Natal before the campaign against Dingane. With their back free, the way was open for 10 11 IJ RC. Lugg: A Guide to the Zulu social system, pp. 162 - 168. RRR Dhlomo: Umpande ka Senzagakhona, p. 39. H. Stander: Die Verhouding tussen die Boere en Zoeloe tot die dood van Mpande in 1872. p.256. MM Fuze: The Black People and whence they came. p. 85. -241- the Voortrekkers to proclaim Mpande's kingship under vassalage of their established Republic ofNatalia. I ' Mpande began on a very precarious footing. His reign was restricted not only by the Voortrekkers' terms, but also by the need to retain the approval of the more powerful chiefs (amakhosi) who had assisted in deposing Dingane.15 Such move later gave rise to the notion of Mpande as feeble-minded and vacillating, controlled primarily by subordinate chiefs and external forces.'6 During Shaka's reign loyalty was to the person of the monarch, not to the institution of the monarchy itself. On the contrary, Mpande's era was marked by loyalty to the institution of the monarchy; not to the person of the monarch. The ambiguity about Mpande could also be attributed to the fact that this study re-assesses his relegation to being a harmless and feeble-minded potentate who exercised little real power. Mpande was king in KwaZulu from 1840 until his death in 1872-" He maintained his position as head of one of the most powerful states in Southern Africa. He possessed considerable diplomatic qualities and succeeded in manoeuvring both internal and external forces to his own gain. '8 None of Mpande's I. l> 16 17 18 M. Wilson (Ed): Oxford History of South Africa. Vols 1 - 2, pp. 370 - 374. P.A. Kennedy: Mpande and the Zulu kingship, Journal of Natal and Zulu Historv, Vol. 4. 1981, p.4. S.NA 117/3, NA, Interviews with Mpande's messengers, 3 August 1847. G.S. Pre1ler. Voortrekker Welgewing. Nolule van die Natalse Volksraad, pp. 4 - 42. P. Maylam: History of the Mrican People of South MriCa, p. 70. -242- predecessors had faced challenges of similar complexity, and there was no indication in his early days that he possessed qualities necessary to deal with them. Throughout his reign Mpande struggled to consolidate Zulu power in the face of pressures emanating from respectively the Voortrekkers, British Colonial establishment and the Christian missionaries in Natal. I' Saunders argued that: "In the event he proved an able enough leader to preserve the integrity of his kingdom through a period longer than the reigns of the three other Zulu kings combined If2Q Representing the British authorities in the Natal Colony, Sir Theophilus Shepstone viewed the rule of Mpande as a menace to British Imperialist expansion.2I At the time of border violations he argued that the position of Natal Colony would remain precarious so long as refugees continued to cross the border. 22 He suggested that the only solution would be to topple the assumed arbitrary power of Mpande. For Shepstone, the office of the British Resident in KwaZulu had to be the vehicle through which this could be achieved. Mpande survived due to the reluctance of I' 20 21 22 C.O.4&1246: Mait1and to Stanley. D. 63. 13 December 1846. printed for Parliament, July 1848 (980), pp. 44 - 46. lE. Wright and D.R Edgecombe: Mpande ka Senzangakhona, C. 1798 - 1872. Cf. c.c. Saunders (Ed): Black Leaders in Southern African History. p. 45. S.N.A. Villi, N.A: Moodie to Bird. 7 September 1849. enclosure in Bird to Shepstone, 11 September 1861. . K.C.. Stuart Papers. Folio 19. p. 21 FF. Interview with John W. Shepstone, 1912. -243- Lieutenant-Governor Pine to organise a military force." This rendered Mpande unique in his own right and times. Mpande fitted well in the royal continuation of Shakan Zuluness. While Zulu society in Mpande's time was by no means unchanging, it remained based on the institutions evolved during the reign of Shaka. The crucial figure of the new political order was Mpande himself whose direct or indirect influence came to regulate an ever growing part of the individuals' lives and actions." He performed the same functions as administrator, judge, leader of the military apparatus and supreme protector. A significant difference was that the field of Mpande's domain included a greater number of different clans and not only that of his own.'-' Shaka's royal court presented first hand testimony of how every individual was totally subjected to the personal conceits and whims of the potentate. His absolute form of personal government founded on and secured by a military machinery directly under his control, soon roused a rather widespread discontent and resistance which Mpande and later Zulu kings could not ignore. 26* 24 SAAR: N. Sbepstone to Moodie. 22 February 1848. 11, p. 293, Evidence of Tbeopbilus Sbepstone, 25 November 1852, Proceedings of the N.N.C, 1852 - 3, 11, p. 27. M. Gluckman: The Kingdom of the Zulu of South Africa, p. 34. M. Wilson: Oxford History of South Africa Vols. 1- 2. pp. 355 - 364. 1. Stuan and D. Mck Malcolm (Eds): The Diary of HelUY Francis Fynn, pp. 83 - 86. ? This information given by F}nn may be biased and should be handled with caution. -244- Thus, during the reign of Mpande the personal authority of the king was not exercised by the same rigour as in the case of Shaka, even though no structural changes of the political organisation were carried out. What took place could rather be described as a change of political profile, where Mpande was compelled to introduce some sort of new ruling style. The personal role ofMpande was counterbalanced by a stronger attention paid to traditional Zulu concepts of stable and benevolent rule. 27 Europeans like A.F. Gardiner visited Mpande's palace of Nodwengu late in 1847 and left descriptions of how political decisions were made at the king's court.'" The fact that the personal power of Mpande during the time of national independence remained extensive, however, cannot be disputed. As "the father of all the nation" protecting and ruling all its land and his Uilluzi (homestead), the political institution of Mpande may be characterised as the nucleus around which the different other threads of social life within his kingdom were bound up.'" It is essential to emphasize that the personal authority of Mpande was absolute only as far as it coincided with the customary norms and general attitudes of his subjects.J<) Mpande was obviously not free to introduce P. Honner: The dYnamics o[the late eiehteenth centurv nonhern Nl!llI1i sociel\' - some hypothesis, pp. 75 - 80; J. Pridmore: The Diary of Henn' Francis Fynn - 1883. Vo!. I. pp.41-46 A.F. Gardiner: Narrative of a Journey to the Zoolu Countrv in South Africa pp. 136 - 140. Ibid.. p. 138 - 140. Ibid.. p. 139 - 140. -245- new practices and ideals for his people merely on the basis of personal choice. While the will of the people drew up some ultimate limitations for what might be resolved at Mpande's palace, vestiges of a somewhat democratic element could be observed." The limitations to Mpande's personal authority as represented by his council and the general attitude of his people, do not, however, contradict the fact that his royal court was the forum in which all important decisions for the nation were actually taken." Neither were these limitations of such a kind as to prevent the repercussions from the centre ofpower around Mpande from being experienced all over his domain. In fact the socio-political units of different kinds throughout the kingdom, were highly dependent upon the decisions made at the king's court." As the political and social revolution of Nguni society - carried out by Shaka in the 1820's and maintained by Mpande - was effectuated by force, the military system was one of the basic pre-suppositions for this process of development." Occupying a considerable part of a Zulu man's time and labour from puberty to the age of about thirty five, the military apparatus was probably the political institution within the new national 31 33 " RC. Lugg: A Guide to the Zulu social sYstem. p. 23. Ibid., p. 24. E.J. Krige: The Social System of the Zulus, p. 219. J.D. Omer-Cooper: The Zulu Aftermath - A nineteenth Century Revolution in BanIU Africa. p.207. -246- system to have the greatest influence upon the concrete life of a Zulu individual." In Mpande's time military service was a common duty to all male members of the Zulu society. To serve in Mpande's army became a matter of indirect as well as of direct force. It was a matter of honour to serve in the army.36 This fact argues for the supposition that the national system of military service by the time of Mpande had achieved a fairly firm and undisputed position." But the result was similar to Shaka's time. As during the period of Dingane every man in Zulu society was drafted into some regimental service for some twenty years." The day to day sovereign power of Mpande applied along the same lines as the administrative and military organisation. In fact it was the very same administrative and military apparatus which also exercised the judicial and legislative functions ofMpande's people." No accurate distinction existed between judicial and administrative regulations in the Zulu society. It was all looked upon as expressions of the absolute will of the king to which no disobedience whatever was tolerated. Regulations applicable to all the nation were generally 35 36 J8 39 Ibid., p. 208. P. Lautenshciager: De Sozia]en Ordnungen bei den Zulu und de Marianhiller Mission 1882 1902. p. 133. S.N.A. U4123 eR 1911911: Mpande 10 C1cele. 23 and 29 October 1843. Ibid., 23 and 29 October 1843. e.O. 879/215: Papers on Native Affairs. p. 12 L -247- proclaimed at the royal palace either by Mpande himself or by his Prime Minister Masiphula Ntshangase.'" Such regulations appeared as the final outcome of discussions held in Mpande's supreme court. The royal council in Mpande's reign filled both a legislative function and acted as the principal court of the kingdom." Severe crimes and disputes, especially such regarded as offences against royal and national interests, were brought directly to the royal council for trial. Intricate cases also came to the royal council on appeal from local chiefs (amakhosi)." The proceedings of judicial trial leading up to the proclamation of a verdict, were in principle the same as the proceedings leading up to the proclamation of some law, administrative ordinance or official message." Disputes were dealt with and settled by local, regional chiefs or military officials. The local chiefs were, however, bound to judge according to laws issued by Mpande, and they were enjoined to give reports of the cases to him..... The collective perspective as a basic framework around all Zulu thought and practice in Mpande's time also influenced the people's ideas of right 4\ ~'~ 43 M. Gluckman: The Kingdom of the Zulu of South Africa. Cf. M Fortes: African Political SySlems, pp. 25 - 55. S.J.R- Martin: British Images of the Zulu, C. 1820 - 1874. pp. 47 - 52. Ibid.. pp. 49 - 50. H. Slander: Die Verhouding tossen die Boere en Zoeloe tot die dood van Mpande in 1872, pp. 256 - 259. C. de B. Webb: A Zulu king speaks - statements made by Cetshw2yo lea Mpande on the lliSlor)" and customs of his people. p. 74. -248- and wrong. In the same manner as the prosperous endeavours of an individual involved the interests of the entire homestead, the social unit to which a person belonged, was also responsible for his or her misdeeds." Principally such responsibility rested with the homestead head, but the consequences of the misdemeanour were to be endured jointly by all inmates of the homestead. This collective understanding of justice was also to be observed by the fact that a son might be prosecuted for crimes committed by his father." By the death of the father the son came to inherit his debts as well as his possessions." It is essential to emphasize that in Mpande's reign the notion and practice of justice were based on two major pillars, viz. custom and the personal will of the king. Even though no written laws existed, knowledge about what was right or wrong was presupposed with every individual in the kingdom on the basis of custom.'" Actual regulations were made known to the people through messengers or through officials being in regular contact with their superiors.?' It was a duty enjoined upon everybody to keep informed about customary behaviour and actual resolutions. ., .. .7 .. ?? El Krige: The Social System of the Zulus, p. 228. P. Lautenschlager: De Sozialen Ordnungen bei den Zulu und de Mariannhiller Mission 1882 - 1909, p. 130. . E.l Krige: The Social System of the Zulus, p. 223 . K.C., Stuan Papers, File 9. Notebook 3. Evidence ofXubu. 29 November 1909. AT Bryanl: Olden Times in Zululand and Natal pp. 642 - 648. -249- During his reign Mpande instituted a fixed, customary procedure known to all Zulus for the trial of crimes and disputes'O The basic principles of this procedure were probably to be traced back to pre-Shakan times as a part of the common cultural inheritance of social order among the Nguni clans." Mpande distinguished between offences against authorities and offences against commoners, the first considered to be the most serious. It appears too categoric, as E.J. Krige and P. LautenscWager indicated, to state that all offences against the chief or king-horn ever trivial - were punished by death.'2 The sources used by these two authors apply to the times of king Shaka, and under his rule people were exterminated in great numbers for minor offences. At the time of Mpande the ruling and judicial practice was obviously not so harsh. The attempted murder of a headman (induna), for instance, would not be punished by death, but by a fine of cattle. 53 At the height of his power Mpande welcomed Christian missionaries from Natal Colony to the Zulu kingdom." The missionaries were not overtly imperial agents, but acted as informants on affairs within the kingdom for the benefit of the British Colonial establishment in Natal. 50 "52 53 54 C. de B. Webb: A Zulu king speaks: statements made by Cetshwayo ka Mpande on the history and customs of his people. p. 75. Ibid., pp. 75 - 76. E.J. Krige: The Social sYstem of the Zulus. p. 228; P. Lautenscblager: De Sozialen Ordnungen bei den Zulu un' claims. 17 January 1857. e.O. 179/43: Shepstone to Seen. 4.p.m.. 2 December 1856. enclosure in Scon to Labouchere. D.9, 16 December 1856. P. Colenbrander: Some reflections on the kingship of Mpande. p. 18. e.e. Ballard: John Dunn - The White ChiefofZululand, pp. 61 - 62. -257- beginning of his heroic praises and reign. In fact, his colonially-based support in the dynastic struggle symbolised a turning point in the domestic affairs of the Zulu kingdom. Having come into power ID 1840 and styled his military expeditions along Shaka's regimental control system, Mpande could not easily be subdued by colonial establishments in Natal. Instead of invading the Zulu kingdom, they sought to extend their influence by gaining a hold on its ruler. Mpande welcomed both the Voortrekkers and the English as allies he needed to secure his position against any threat of war, but also sought to exploit their conflicting objectives to preserve his own independence. While Mpande had controversial relations with the Voortrekkers, he was devoid of the necessary machinery to resist their diplomatic manoeuvres. The Zulu monarch acknowledged the military capabilities of the Voortrekkers and, given the manner in which he came to power, the only option was to be diplomatic and succumb to colonial terms in a subtle way. Any meaningful resistance would be necessitated by complete loyalty from the influential chiefs (amakhosi) throughout the Zulu kingdom. The flock of Zulu refugees into Natal gave evidence to the fact that Mpande did not have overall grip of power in the Zulu kingdom. An -258- English newspaper branded the action of the Voortrekkers in KwaZulu as an act of gross imperialism. The handling of the issue relating to Zulu refugees, cattle, borders between KwaZulu and the Republic of Natalia and the British at Port Natal as well as succession dispute, qualified Mpande as the most enduring of the Zulu kings. He showed the ability to grasp the changing realities of his position as head of the Zulu nation. As a diplomat, Mpande aimed at maintaining the reputation for friendship to colonial establishments by which he had been distinguished at the time of his elevation after the defeat of Dingane in 1840. Kennedy perceived this kind of diplomacy as follows: "He [Mpande] pretended to be loyal to several White settler groups at the same time ... At least, he manipulated Voortrekker groups and the British against their better interests, while instilling the erroneous impression that the Zulu kingdom survived only through their specific support. ''83 Mpande's diplomacy helped to allay the British colonial fears of the Zulu menace. In fact, Mpande's reign marked an era of co-operation and P.A. Kennedy: Mpande and the Zulu kingship., Journal ofNatal and Zulu histoTV. June 1987, Vol. 4, p. 71. -259- integration between the Zulu kingdom and the British in both the Natal Colony and the Cape Colony. While the IlllssIOnanes came to KwaZulu as agents of the British government, Gospel and western way of life, Mpande used missionary connections to keep colonial threats of invasion in check. During Mpande's reign, the Zulu people adhered to traditional norms and values, believing that the spirits of the dead live long. Ancestral honour and worship of the Supreme Being (Umvelinqangi) were pre-eminent and education merely informal, based on imitation and observation. At the time when Mpande thought that the missionaries might strengthen his position, ordinary Zulus were frightened by the gospel that evoked terrors of damnation and hell. They were told that non-believers in Christianity would be thrown in a fiery furnace where they would bum eternal of infinity. Zulus who became proselytes of the missionaries were pestered to recant by their neighbours. A packaged Christianity ill liturgy presentation, hymnody and organisation brought about ecclesiastical alienation among the Zulu people in Mpande's time. During the 1860's, in forms of religious expreSSIOns the Christian Western "civilisation" received greater considerations than the potentialities of Mpande's people and their inheritance. -260- Mpande's people stomached Christianity ID spite of the differences between the Zulus and the DllSSlOnanes ID approach to conversIOn. Rather than doctrine, the Zulus accentuated the existential value of the Christian message in their specific situation. Therefore, Christianity had a deep colonial disposition in that it became the servant of the British Empire to facilitate colonial expansion. Mpande exercised a restraining influence on the martial character of the Zulu kingdom. This, however, was tarnished by the development of an unfortunate set of circumstances in KwaZulu culminating in the outbreak of the civil war on 2 December 1856. Rivalry for succession to the Zulu throne between princes Cetshwayo and Mbuyazi rendered Mpande's diplomacy equivocal. Although the civil war could not entirely be attributed to his actions, it clearly displayed his declining power and influence within the Zulu kingdom. This was confirmed in 1857 when Cetshwayo and Mpande's ndunaID..1I1u (prime Minister) were given the role of settling important matters. Such matters would be referred to Mpande for his final sanction. The arrangement was given the blessing of the British colonial establishment in Natal in 1861 when Shepstone officially installed Cetshwayo as Mpande's successor. This heralded a decade of placidity in relations between the Zulu kingdom and the colonial establishments in Natal. Nevertheless, Mpande's relations with -261- both the Voortrekkers and the British colonial establishments in Natal proved him a skilful diplomat and rather than a fighter like king Shaka and Dingane, Mpande had skills of the politician. ::.~::..:::..:: ... ..:....: ::..::.,.1~~!'llllill?~?!?~?~?;? :'.: ..:.:::::.... ... I. -262- ????.?1:-::I~:1.~.. NORTHER.N NGUNI CLANS IN MPANDE'S TIME, C 1854 ....~~ -263- SOURCES A. PRIMARY SOURCES Natal Archives Depot, PMB Colenso Collection (CC) Colonial Secretary's Office (CSO) Government House series (GH) Government House Zululand (GHZ) Secretary for Native Affairs series (SNA) Shepstone Papers (SPP) Killie Campbell Africana Library, Durban Colenso Papers (CP) lames Stuart Papers (lSP) Shepstone Collection (SC) Printed Sou rces University of London: American Board Mission Collection (ABMC) Imperial (British) Blue Books, 1840 - 1861 Private Collections (PC) Shepstone Papers Proclamations and Acts, 1843 - 1854 Reports of Commissions and Special Reports, 1851 - 1869 Secretary for Native Affairs (SNA) -264- Uzulu CoUection, UZ: Natal Blue Books, 1848 - 1858 Natal Parliamentary Papers, 1860 - 1888 Public Record Office, London Cape correspondence, series C.O. 48 Colonial Office Confidential Print, series C.O. 879 Natal correspondence, series e.O. 179 Transvaal Archives Depot, Pretoria Colonial Office Records (CO) Landdrost Utrecht correspondence (LU) Native Affairs series (NA) State Secretary series (SS) University of South Africa, Pretoria Uys Collection (UC) Recorded Speeches, House of Traditional Leaders, Ulundi Buthelezi, M.G.: King Shaka Day Celebrations - speech, Glebelands stadium, Durban, 23 September 1984. -265- SECONDARY SOURCES (i) WORKS Agar-Hamilton, J.AI: The Native Policy of the Voortrekkers, 1836 1858 Longmans, London, 1928. Ballard, C.C.: John Dunn - The White Chief of Zululand. Ad. Donker, Johannesburg, 1985. Barnhart, c.L. and Barnhart, RK (Eds): The World Book Dictionarv. Vol. 1. A - K. William H. Nault, USA, 1987. Beall, J et al: Conceptualizing Natal - implications of a regional political economy. Forest Press, Albany, 1996. Becker, P: Rule of fear - the life and times of Dingane king of the Zulu. Longmans, London, 1964. Bird, J.: The Annals ofNatal, 1495 -1845. Struik, Cape Town, 1965. Bonner, P.: The dynamics of the late eighteenth century northern Nguni society - some hypothesis. Wits University Press, Johannesburg, 1981. Brookes, E.H.: A CenturY of Missions in Natal and Zululand. E.H. Brookes, Durban, 1936. Brookes, E.H.: A History and description of the colonv. Reeve, London, 1976. Brookes, E.H.: The History of Native Policy in South Africa from 1830 to the Present Day. J.L. van Schaik, Pretoria, 1927. Brookes, E.H. and Webb, C de B: A History of Natal. University of Natal Press, Cape Town, 1965. Bryant, AT. Rev.: Olden Times in Zululand and Natal. Longmans, London, 1929. Bulpin, T.V.: Shah's Country - A book of Zululand. Howard Timmins, Cape Town, 1952. -266- Cana, F.R.: South Africa from the Great Trek to the Union. Longmans, London, 1909. Cawood, J. And Gibbons, J.: Educational Leadership - staff development. Southern Book, London, 1989. Clarke, RF.: Logic. Seeker and Warburg, London, 1983. Cope, T. (Ed): Izibongo: Zulu Praise Poems. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1968. Cory, G.E.: The Diary of the Rev. Francis Owen. M.A., Missionary with Dingaan in 1837-38. Van Riebeeck Society, Cape Town, 1926. Cowley, C.: KwaZulu - queen Mkabi's stOry. C. Struik, Cape Town, 1966. Cox, G.W. The life of John William Colenso. Ridgway, London, 1888. Cubbin., AE.: Empangeni Annals - Aspects of the 19th Century. Vol. ii, Zululand History Society, Empangeni, 1994. Delanglez, 1. (Ed.): A Guide to Historical Method. Dorsey Press, Homewood, 1980. Dhlomo, RRR.: uDingane Ka Senzangakhona. Shuter & Shooter, Pietermaritzburg, 1960. Dhlomo, R.R.R.: uMpande Ka Senzangakhona. Shuter & Shooter, Pietermaritzburg, 1960. Duminy A And B. Guest: Natal and Zululand - from earliest times to 1910. University ofNatal Press, Pietermaritzburg, 1989. Du Plessis, J.: A History of Christian Missions in South Africa. C. Struik, Cape Town, 1965. Edgecombe, R (Ed.): Bringing fourth Light - five tracks on Bishop Colenso's Zulu Mission. University of Natal Press, Pietermaritzburg, 1982. -267- Froude, J.A.: Two Lectures on South Africa. Longmans, London, 1880. Fuze, M.M.: Abantu Abamnvama. Pietennaritzburg, 1922. City Printing Works, Gardiner, A.F. : Narrative of the Journey of the Zulu Country in South Africa. Oxford University Press, London, 1836. Gibson, J.Y.: The Story of the Zulus. Negro University Press, New York, 1970. Gluckmann, M. : The Kingdom of the Zulu of South Africa. Brown and Forde, London, 1950. Gottschalk, L.: Understanding History - a primer of historical method. Knopf, New York, 1969. Grout, L. (Rev): Zululand. or life among the Zulu Kaffirs of Natal and Zululand. Balkema, Cape Town, 1968. Hance, G.R.: The Zulu Yesterday and Todav - Twenty-nine years in South Africa. Negro University Press, New York, 1969. Hatterseley, A.R.: More Annals of Natal. Shuter & Shooter, Pietennaritzburg, 1936. Hemaes, P. and Simensens, J.: The Zulu Kingdom and the Norwegian Missionaries, 1845b - 1880. The School of Mission and Theology, Stavanger, 1987. Holden, W.C.: The Colony of Natal. Pietennaritzburg, 1906. Government Printer, Hollenman, J.F.: Die twee-eenheidsbeginsel in die sosiale en politieke samewerkinl! van die Zulu. Wits, Johannesburg, 1949. Hollenman, J.F.: The Structure of the Zulu Word. Wits, Johannesburg, 1949. Guy, 1.: Destruction of the Zulu kinl!dom. University of Natal Press, Pietennaritzburg, 1994. -268- Kiewiet, C.W. de: British Colonial Policy and the South African Republics 1848 - 1872. Longmans, London, 1929. Kotze, DJ.: American Board's Work in Zululand. cr Archiyes Year Book for SA History, Vol. XXI, Part 1,1958. Kriger, E.J.: The Social System of the Zulus. Shuter & Shooter, Pietennaritzburg, 1957. Laband, J.: Rope of Sand. University of Natal Press, Pietennaritzburg, 1995. Ladysmith Historical Society: The Hlubi Chiefdom in Zululand and Natal - a history. n.d. Lautenshclager: De Sozialen Ondnungen bei den Zulu und de Marianhiller Mission, 1882 - 1902 - Fortress Press, Philadelphia, 1983. Lamula, P.: Isabelo SikaZulu. Lincraft Books, Pietennaritzburg, 1967. Le Cordeur, RA.: The Relations between the Cape and NataL 1846 1879. Archives Yearbook for South African History, 28, I, 1965. Lewis, C.: Thinkers and fighters. Thomas Nelson & Sons, London, N.Y. Leyds, WJ.: Die Eerste Annexatie. G.R. von Wielligh, Pretoria, 1922. Leyds, W.J.: Het Insluiten van de Boeren - Republieken. De Lange, Amsterdam, 1914. Lucas, TJ.: The Zulus and the British Frontiers. New Impression, London, 1968. Ludlow, W.R.: Zululand and Cetshwayo. Simpkin, Marshall and Co, London, 1969. Lugg, H.C.: Historic Natal and Zululand. Shuter & Shooter, Pietennaritzburg, 1948. Lugg, H.c.: A Guide to the Zulu social system. Shuter & Shooter, Pietermaritzburg, 1948. -269- MacMillan, W.M.: Bantu, Boer and Briton - The making of the South African Native Problem. Longmans, London, 1928. Malherbe, V.C.: What Thev Said_ 1795 - 1910 History Documents. J.L. Van Schaik, Pretoria, 1987. Mann, RJ.: The Colony of Natal. Pietermaritzburg, 1902. Government Printer, Mami, RJ.: The Zulus and Boers of South Africa - a fragment of recent history. The State Library, Pretoria, 1968. Maylam, P.: History of the African people of South Africa. Croom Helm, London, 1986. Minnaar, A de V.: Conflict and Violence in Natal KwaZulu - historical perspectives. HSRC, Pretoria, 1990. Molefe, A.I. and Masondo, T.Z.: Ezomdabu Wezizwe zabansundu nezokufika nokubusa kwabelungu. Shuter & Shooter, Pietermaritzburg, 1938. Morris, D.: The Washing of the Spears. Sphere, London, 1968. Morrel, W.P.: British Colonial Policy in the Age of Peel and Russel. Lutherworth Press, London, 1976. Moodie, D.C.F.: The History of the Battles and Adventures of the British, the Boers and the Zulus. St. Leger, Cape Town, 1888. Msimang, CT: Kusadliwa Ngoludala. Pietermaritzburg, 1975. Shuter & Shooter, Nathan., M. : The Voortrekkers of South Africa - from the earliest times to the foundation of the Republics. Gardon and Gotch, London, 1937. Nxumalo, J.A.W.: Umcebo Wolimi LwesiZulu. Shuter and Shooter, Pietermaritzburg, 1981. Nyembezi, C.S.L.: Izibongo Zamakhosi. Pietermaritzburg, 1983. Shuter & Shooter, -270- Omer - Cooper, J.D.: The Zulu Aftermath - A nineteeth Century Revolution in Bantu Africa. Lutterworth Press, London, 1972. Peires, lB. (Ed.): Before and after Shaka - papers in Nmmi history. Rhodes University, Grahamstown, 1981. Preller, G.S. : Andries Pretorius. Scripta Africana, Mellville, 1988 Preller, G.S. (Ed): Voortrekkermense. Vols. I - 6. Nasionale Pers, Cape Town, 1933 - 1938. Preller, G.S.: Voortrekker Wetgewing_ Notule van die Natalse Volksraad. Van Schaik, Pretoria, 1924. Roberts, B.: The Zulu Kings. Hamish Hamilton, London, 1974. Russell, R: Natal - the land and its stOry. Davis P. & Sons, Pietermaritzburg, 1911. Rutherford, J.: Sir George Grey, 1812 - 1898. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1969. Sales, R (Ed.): Adventuring with God - the story of the American Board Mission in South Africa. Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1971. Samuelson, RC.A.: Long, Long Ago. Knox, Durban, 1929. Saunders, C. (Ed): Black leaders in Southern African Historv. Heinemann, London, 1979. Schreuder, H. (Rev.): Nogle Ord til Norges Kirke om christelig Pligt med Hensvn hI Omsong for ikkechristne Medbrodres Salighed. Hubert Lampo, Antwerpen, 1957. Selby, J.: Shaka's heir. George Allen, London, 1971. Shamase, M.Z.: Zulu Potentates from the earliest to Zwelithini KaBhekuzulu. S.M. Publications, Durban, 1996. Smail, J.c.: From the land of the Zulu kings. A.l Pope, Durban, 1979. Spohr, D.H. (Ed.): The Natal Diaries ofDr. W.H.I. Bleak. 1955 - 1856. Balkema, Cape Town, 1965. ?271? Stuart, J.: uBaxoxele (Incwadi vezindaba za Bantu ba KwaZulu, na ba seNatal). Longmans, London, 1926. Sullivan, J.R.: The Native Policy of Sir Theophilus Shepstone. Walker, Snashall, Johannesburg, 1928. Taylor, J.D.: One Hundred years of the American Board Mission in South Africa 1835 -1935. Boston, Cape Town, 1971. Theal, G.M.: History of South Africa smce September 1795. Sonnenschein, London, 1908. IT Vols. Theal, G.M.: The Republic ofNatalia. Sonnenschein, London, 1909. Uys, c.J.: In the Era of Shepstone: being a Study of British Expansion in South Africa (1842 - 1877). Lovedale, South Africa, 1933. Van Heerden, J.J. : Die Kommandant - Generaal in die Geskiedenis van die Suid-Afukaanse Republiek. Government Printer, Cape Town, 1968. Van Heerden, J.J. 1924. Voortrekker Wetgewing. Van Schaik, Pretoria, Van Rooyen, T.S.: Die Verhouding tussen die Boere. Engelse en Naturelle in die geskiedenis van die Oss-Transvaal. Government Printer, Pretoria, 1950. Walker, E.A.: Lord de Villiers and his Times. Longmans, London, 1925. Walker, E.A.: The Great Trek. Adam & Charles Black, London, 1970. Webb, C. De B. (Ed.): A Zulu King Speaks - statements made bv Cetshwayo ka Mpande on the history and customs of his people. University ofNatal Press, Pietermaritzburg, 1978. Webb, C. And Wright, 1. (Eds): lames Stuart Archives of recorded oral evidence relating to the history of the Zulu and neighbouring peoples. University ofNatal Press, Pietermaritzburg, 1976. Welsh, D.: The Roots of Segregation: Native Policv in Colonial NataL 1845 - 1910. Oxford University Press, Cape Town, 1971. -272- White, L.: Power and the Praise Poem. University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville, 1991. Whisson, M and West, M (Eds.): Religion and social change in Southern Africa - anthropological essays in honour of Monica Wilson. Philip, Cape Town, 1975. Wilmot, A.: The Storv of the Expansion of South Africa. Unwin, London, 1894. Wilson, M.: Oxford Historv of South Africa.. Vols. 1 - 2. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1973. Wilson, M.: Rituals of Kingship among the NyakYUsa. Oxford University Press, London, 1957. Winquist, A.: Scandinavians and South Africa - their impact on cultural, social and economic development before 1900. Ann Arbor, Rotterdam, 1978. (11) ARTICLES, PAMPHLETS AND BOOKLETS Ballard, C.: John Dunn and Cetshwayo - the material foundations of political power in the Zulu kingdom, 1851 - 1878, Journal of African historv, 21, 1980. Ballard, c.c.: Natal 1824-44 - the frontier interregnum, Journal of Natal and Zulu historv, 5, 1982. Ballard, C.c.: The Transfrontiersman : the career of John Dunn in Natal and Zululand, 1834 - 1895, Journal of Natal and Zulu Historv, 2, 1979. Bird, J.: The Early Days ofNatal, N.P., 1886. Cachet, F.L.: De Worstelstryd der Transvalers, Amsterdam, 1883. Clark, G.B.: British Policy in South Africa - a defence of the Boers, N.P., London, 1881. Cloete, W.B.: The History of the Great Boer Trek and the Origin of the South African Republics, N.P., London, 1899. -273- Cobbing, J.: "Zulu amabutho and production - some preliminary questions", Journal of African History, 15, 1974. Cope, AT.: "Observations arising from Arycroft's study of the praises ofDinggane", Historv in Afric!!, 13, 1986. Cope, R.: "Political Power within the Zulu Kingdom", Journal of Natal and Zulu History, 8, 1985. Cope, R.: "The Zulu Kingdom, 1824 - 1879", paper ll1ven at a conference on the Anglo-Zulu War, Wits, 1979. Cope, R.L.: Christian Missions and independent African Chiefdoms in the 19th Century, Theori!!, 52, 1979. Cope, T. : "Shepstone and Cetshwayo", Theoria, 54,1981. Colenso, J.W.: Digest upon Zulu Affairs, Bishopstown, 1879 - 1883. Daniel, J.B.: A geographical study of pre-Shaka Zululand South Africa, Geographical Journal, 55, I, 1973. Farrar, J.A: ZuIuland and the Zulus, N.P., London, 1879. Gluckmann, M.: "African Political Organisation", Journal of African Studies, 1, 1940. Gluckmann, M.: The individual in a social framework - the rise of king Shaka of Zululand, Journal of African studies, I, 1974. Gray, M.W.T.: Stories of the early American Missionaries in South Africa, typed manuscript, Durban, 1911. Hattersley, AF.: "The Annexation of the Transvaal, 1877", Histori!!, xx((1936), 41 - 7. Hutchinson, B.: Some social consequneces of the nineteeth century missionary activity among the South African Bantu, Africa, 27, 1957. Kennedy, P.A: "Mpande and the Zulu Kingship", Journal of Natal and Zulu historv, 4, 1981. -274- Kubheka, LS.: "A Preliminary Survey of Zulu Dialects in Natal and Zululand", Journal of African History, 22, 1977. Kuper, A : "The house and Zulu political structure in the 19th century, Bantu Studies, 34, 1981. Lye, W.F.: "The Ndebele Kingdom south of the Limpopo river", Journal of African History, 1, 1969. Mann, R.J.: "The Black Population of the British Colony of Natal, South Africa: a Preliminary Sketch", The Intellectual Observer, x (October 1866), 184-93. Manson, A: A people in transition - the Hlubi in Natal, 1848 - 1877, Journal ofNatal and Zulu History, 2, 1979. Maphalala, S.J.: The participation of White settlers in the battle of Ndondakusuka, 2 December 1856, and its consequences up to 1861. Unizul,1985. Marks, S.: Natal, the Zulu royal family and the ideology of segregation, Journal of Southern African Studies, 4, 1978. Nyembezi, C.S.L.: Historical background to the izibongo of the Zulu military age. Journal of African Studies, 7, 1975. Okoye, F.N.C.: Dingane: a reappraisal, Journal of African historv, 10, 1969. Okoye, F.N.C.: "The Zulu Now and Then", Journal of African History, 32, 1974. Statham, F.R.: Blacks, Boers and British, The Intellectual Observer, ix (November 1866). Stuart, J.: De Hollandsche Afrikanen en hunne Republiek in Zuid-Afrika, Amsterdam, 1854. Taylor, W.B.: "Sir George Grey, South Africa and the Imperial Military Burden, 1955 - 1860", The Historical Journal, 15, 1971. Van Oordt, J.F.: Paul Kruger en die Opkomst van die Zuid Afrikaansche Republiek, Amsterdam, 1898. -275- (Ill) PERIODICALS De Natalier en Pietennaritzburgsche Trouwe Aanteekenaar, 1844 - 1846 De Patriot, 1846 - 1849 De Zuid-Afrikaan, 1837 - 1847 Missionary Herald, 1840 - 1857 Mission Field, 1850 - 1856 Natal Mercury, 1842 - 1872 Natal Witness, 1851 - 1868 (IV) UNPUBLISHED THESES AND DISSERTATIONS Behn, M.M.: The Klip River Insurrection, 1847 (Unpublished MA Dissertation, University of Natal, 1932) Berman, E.M.: How far was the breakdown of the Republic of Natal due to inherent weaknesses in its native policy? (Unpublished MA. Dissertation, Cape Town, 1933). Blignaut, l.P.: Die Ontstaan en Ontwikkeling van die Nieuwe Republiek (Unpublished MA Dissertation, UNlSA, 1943). Cope, R.: Shepstone and Cetshwayo, 1873 - 1879 (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1967) Cope, N.G.L.: The Defection of Hamu (Unpublished Honours Thesis, Natal, Pietennaritzburg, 1980). Cory, G.E.: The Rise of South Africa (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Cape Town, 1926). Dick, M.G.: Establishment of a mission being the work of the American Board of Commissioners for foreign Missions among the Zulus of -276- Southeastern Natal, 1834 - 1860 (Unpublished M.A Dissertation, Columbia, 1943). Du Plessis, A1.: Die Republiek Natalia (Unpublished PhD Thesis, Stellenbosch, 1939). Hall, J.L.: Government Policy and Public Attitudes During the Administration of Natal by Lieutenant-Governor Benjamin C.C. Pine, 1850 - 1855 (MA Dissertation, University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1969). Hamilton, c.: Ideology, oral traditions and the struggle for power in the early Zulu Kingdom. (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Wits, Johannesburg, 1985). Huyser, J.D.: Die Naturelle - Politiek van die Suid-Afrikaanse Republiek. (Unpublished PhD Thesis, Pretoria, 1936). Kennedy, P.A: The Fatal Diplomacy - Sir Theophilus Shepstone and the Zulu kings, 1839 - 1879. (Unpublished PhD Thesis, California, 1976). Kruger, D.W.: Die Weg na die See (Unpublished PhD Thesis, Potchefstroom, 1938). Lapping, P.H.: Mpande - Zulu King, 1810 - 1872 (Unpublished B.A.Hons., Natal, 1963). Le Cordeur, RA : Relations between the Cape and Natal, 1846 - 1879_ (unpublished PhD Thesis, University ofNatal, Durban, 1962). Lindemann, W.H.: Panda and Natal, 1843 - 1856 (Unpublished B.A.Hons., Natal, 1965). Mael, R.: The Problem of Political Integration in the Zulu Empire. (Unpublished PhD Thesis, California, 1974). Martin, S.J.R. : British Images of the Zulu, C. 1820 - 1874. (unpublished PhD Thesis, Wisconsin, 1978). Pridmore, 1.: The Diary of Henry Francis Fynn, 1883. (Unpublished M.A Dissertation, Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1987). -277- Reynecke, G.J.: Utrecht in die Geskiedenis van die Transvaal tot 1877 (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Pretoria, 1956). Stander, H.: Die Verhouding tussen die Boere en Zoeloe tot die dood van Mpande in 1872 (Unpublished PhD Thesis, Pretoria, 1963). Swanepoel, AC.: Die Eks-territoriale Vraagstukke van Natal tydens die bewind van Luitenant-Goewerneur John Scott, 1856 tot 1864 (M.A verhandeling, UNlSA, Pretoria, 1978) Theunissen, AB.: Natal Under Lieutenant-Governor Scott, 1856 - 1864 (MA Dissertation, UNlSA, 1936.) Van der Merwe, AP.: Die Voorgeskiedenis van die Republiek Lydenberg (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Pretoria, 1940). Van Zyl, M.C.: Luitenant-Goewerneur Martin West en die Natalse Voortrek.kers, 1845 - 1849 (Unpublished MA Dissertation, Pretoria, 1954). Wichmann, F.AF.: Die Wordingsgeskiedenis van die Zuid-Afrikaanse Republiek (Unpublished PhD Thesis, Pretoria, 1941). Young, L.: The Native Policy of Benjamin Pine in Natal, 1850 - 1855 (Unpublished MA Dissertation, UNlSA, 1951). -278- APPENDIX ONE GENEALOGY OF THE HOUSE OF MPANDE Mpande r-I--'-1--1---1---1 Cetshwayo Mbuyari Shonkweni Hamu Ziwedu Mantantashiya Dabulamanri Shingana Mthonga Mkhungo Sikhotha Ndabuko I Sukani Snheku (Maduna) Mgidlana Somklawana Magwendu Dabulesinye Mantenesha Mdumba Mahanana Tolo Silwane Mlondo Ngatsha Msuthu Mgxutheni M~yana Siga ? Cited from: Zulu Potentates - from the earliest to Zwelithini ka Bhekuzulu by M.Z. Shamase, S.M. Publications, 1996, p. 52. -279- APPENDIX TWO TRANSLATIO OF MPANDE'S PRAISES (IZIBO GO) The high-pillar of smoke who emerged in feathered head-dress, Between the British and the Voortrekkers. The hawk that flew towards Heaven; The last-to-cross of Shaka. Mdayi! Who responded overland; Elderly women were left on sites; Elderly men fell by the wayside. The flood ofNdaba, That flooded women and left with them, Only to place them at the estuaries, Estuaries of the River Estuaries of Thukela River. Ndaba who crossed near Dlokweni. But avoided drinking its water. Only waters remained amazed; -280- Mouths of hippopotamus were wide-open, Crocodiles survived by climbing mountains. Mnguni sat down Soothesaying difficult matters, Spoken in his household of Malandela. He made war-shields, Making them on wild-banana hedge. He built houses with seeds of grass, He built huts with grass. He asked for Mpofana and Ndaka Rivers, He said that Mzinyathi River I will ask for it from Silevu You were enraged between two months, Between May and June, And went through Dlinza forest and Eshowe, Stems of trees went up-side-down. You survived between Mpehlela and Maqhwakazi mountains Stems of trees went up-side-down. -281- A star that shone and animals told one another, Ikhwezi and Silimela stars told one another. Run through all ways and paths, To tell Maphitha and Tokotoko, And say we are not calling for war, Say it is called by Mpande, He is one of us ofMalandela. He surrendered cattle, He gave them to men (Voortrekkers), To pay homage to them, Saying they are a place of refuge, Saying it is like Dlokweni, Saying it is like father and mother, Saying it is Nongogo. With only one egg, It is one ofNgotsha. A silver blade, That survived from other blades. Our household members are incriminated For not showing a stream to the king, They let him cross the one of hippopotamus and crocodiles. -282- The bush that thundered on Thokazi mountains And Gudunkomo ones also burnt. A storm that thundered on both Maqongqo hills, It thundered and devoured the shields of Mbelebele; It devoured the shields ofBulawayo; It devoured the shields of Zinyosi; It devoured the shields ofDlambedlu; It devoured the shields ofNomdayana; It devoured the shields of Mgumanqa. The back-slider of Ndaba, Back-sliding through Bulawayo, Retreating from Swazi cattle. The yeller ofNdaba, Yelled at by the Swazi people, Saying Mswazi devoures cattle. Listen to the one yelling, Yelling as ifhe is crying, As if he is mourning. Malambule and Sidubelo, With Phenduka's mother, -283- They yelled seated at Mfihlweni, Saying hide it under the elbow The eagle of Ndaba with large wings; Encompassing Somhhashi and Fabase, Engulfing Ndengezi born of Mayibuka. You devoured Mtshikila among the Phahlaphahla Sotho, In wrath you crossed Bhalule with rain of tears, You went to Sikwata's seraglio among Sotho's. Cattle repeatedly went to Hluhluwe, They came back with Swazi flower. Cattle ascended from the South even with horns, Descending from the North even with horns. You came with two female hostages, One like Nomampo (Mpande's wife), The other like Noziqubu (Mpande's other wife). You came with Malambule from Sobhuza; You came with Sidubelo from Sobhuza; You came with Thekwane from Sobhuza; You came with Mgidla from Sobhuza; The Swazis stopped idolising Somhlola, -284- They took a Zulu oath Inside Nodwengu. The thunder is like a storm, That thundered like a lightening stroke. The flood that is like waters ofMkhuze River, We crossed Mkhuze in a haste The adomer of feathers in waterfalls, Feathers shine with crowns till dawn. An iron entanglement ofNdikidi That ate Dambuza and Sikhombazana The entanglement ofNdaba With multi-coloured appeal. As if deliberately done so. An encircler of Ndaba, Who wears spotted colours An encircler ofNdaba, For encircling Mswazi and Sobhuza's cattle, You encircled the cattle of lobe of Gece. -285- The path of wagons, The great slider, Followed by a person, Until he reaches Hlatbikbulu. You attacked at midday to Mdletshe, You attacked at midday to Fabase, You attacked at midday to Sikwata, And unleashed the well of rain; We were unable to see rain We of Malandela. Spirited beverage Was not taken by anyone of Malandela, It was drank by flocks of antelopes. The one who seeks refuge on paths of the leaving and settled, The settled say They will start fire. The back of a mother Let us go overland, Where people there Are like flocks of antelopes. -286- The news I heard overland, The Malandela' s said The land is in turmoil, Other loads went to Vuma, Others went to Nyawo. The mamba that caught the valleys And went up through Vuna River, Flocks of goats hit the road; Those of Tokotoko hit the road, Those of Maphitha also hit the road. You who devoured all Phalane's cattle, Those ofMbelebele went with the wind. The strong catcher, he is the lion. The tobacco tree of rnBelebele, It was cut by Klwana of Mbongombongweni Axes completely failed. The hunter not infuriated by the shield, While the elders got infuriated. You were the seeker of the north, The seeker of the south. The bird of Ndaba, -287- Who has long been laughed at by Zulu people. Cattle bellowed And went to the Whites. An isolate like the sun That stands alone in the sky. The one who reigned while being despised. The gleamering cow of Nodwengu. The cow ofNdaba. That grew up being hated. Like the young of the antelope. The yeller, Yelled at by the Swazis, Saying cattle are devoured by Mswazi They cut their tails, Seeing their fatness. Mpande does not like cattle That have signs written on them, Because those belong to the Voortrekkers. He has gone to Somcuba, Before he even get washed, -288- While seated with Nongalaza and Sondoda, He picks up his shield and declares war, Because he is the king of the shield. Hasten, the snake ofNdaba, You will find houses at the periphery, They are Dambuza's of Ntombela, They are Ndlela's of Sompisi. You find people sitting in the house Building walls and pillars You stab women, You stab men, By the time you reach Hlathikhulu It is dust. Mdayi runs away from the wrath of Ntuli And that ofNtombela; They destroy the house ofNdaba, Saying it is given to them, Given to them by Phunga, Given to them by Mageba. -289- The one who rebukes and build like Heaven. Somnandi of Ndaba, Come, let me kiss your mouth. You were infuriated and crossed Bhalule With showers of tears, To the castle of Sikwata of the Sotho. * Cited in Zulu from: Izibongo Zamakhosi by C.S.L. Nyembezi, Shuter & Shooter, Pietermaritzburg, 1983, pp. 63 - 70.