..,..~:-:;: ..-:.::-;-;.
 The Development Of Umlazi Mission Station And
 Reserve, 1856 - 1948, With Special Reference To The
 Land Problem
 by
 Dean Jabulani Ndaba
 BA (Hons) (SA), MA (Ohio Univ.), UED (UZ)
 submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for
 the degree of
 MASTER OF ARTS
 in the Faculty of Arts
 at the
 UNIVERSITY OF ZULULAND
 KWA-DLANGEZWA
 SUPERVISOR: PROF J de Villiers
 DATE SUBMITTED: January 1993
i
 DECLARATION
 I, Dean Jabulani Ndaba, hereby declare that the dissertation, "The Development of
 Umlazj Mission Station and Reserve, 1856 - 1948, with Special Reference to the
 Land Problem" is my own work both in conception and in execution, and that all the
 sources used have been acknowledged.
 Signed by: ...6J;j'..~~
 Date: ~9. 01. 93
ii
 TABLE OF CONTENTS
 CONTENTS PAGE
 DECLARATION
 ABSTRACT VUJ
 OPSOMMING x
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xii
 INTRODUCTION: PRELIMINARY REMARKS xv
 CHAPTER I: GENERAL VIEW OF THE ESTABLISHMENT
 OF BLACK LOCATIONS, MISSION
 STATIONS AND RESERVES IN NATAL
 DURING THE 19TH CENTURY
 1. INTRODUCTION I
 2. CIRCUMSTANCES THAT LED TO THE FOUNDING
 OF BLACK LOCATIONS (RESERVES) IN NATAL 2
 3. THE SHEPSTONE POLICY 7
 4. WHITE REACTION AND ARGUMENTS ABOUT UMLAZI
 LOCATION 10
 5. MISSION WORK 13
 6. MISSIO GLEBES AND RESERVES 15
 7. 1 DlVIDUAL TITLES ON MISSION RESERVES 19
 8. THE MISSIO RESERVES ACTS (1895-1903) 23
 9. CO CLUSIO 27
iii
 CHAPTER 2: THE FOUNDING OF UMLAZI MISSION
 STATION AND SUBSEQUENT LAND
 QUESTIONS, 1856-1910
 1. INTRODUCTION 28
 2. MISSIONARY ACTIVITY IN UMLAZl AREA
 BEFORE 1856 28
 3. THE FOUNDING OF UMLAZI MISSION STATION 31
 4. THE CREATION OF UMLAZI MISSION RESERVE 34
 5. WHITE SETTLEMENT AND REV. BAUGH'S ATTEMPTS
 TO PROTECT AND PRESERVE UMLAZI MISSION
 STATION 36
 6. M1SSION WORK AT ENWABI OUTSTATION 39
 7. BUREAUCRACY AND ITS EFFECTS ON UMLAZI 41
 8. THE BOUNDARY PROBLEM 42
 9. THE PROBLEM OF LAND OWNERSHIP 45
 10. COMMERCIAL INTERESTS IN UMLAZI
 MISSION RESERVE AND ADJACENT AREAS 49
 11. SCHlSM AND ITS EFFECTS ON UMLAZI MISSION
 (1863 - 1910) 52
 12. THE CHURCH PROPERTIES ACT (1910) 56
 13. CONCLUSION 58
 CHAPTER J: LAND HUNGER AND DISPUTES
 AT UMLAZI MISSION 1910 - 1924
 1. INTRODUCTION 60
 2. THE STATUS OF MISSION RESERVES AFTER
 UNIO 60
 3. EFFECTS OF THE CHURCH PROPERTIES ACT ON
 UMLAZI MISSIO 62
 4. THE FOU 01 G OF A NEW SCHOOL 65
 5. APPLICATIONS TO SEkE AT UMLAZl MISSION 66
 6. THE BOUNDARY PROBLEM 68
7.
 8.
 9.
 iv
 INDIAN TENANTS AT UMLAZI MlSSION
 THE HUT RENT ISSUE
 CONCLUSION
 71
 73
 76
 CHAPTER 4: UMLAZI SETTLEMENT AND
 THE EXPANSION OF DURBAN, 1925-1938
 I. INTRODUCTION 77
 2. A NEW CHURCH AND THE FOUNDING OF
 UMLAZI MISSION HOSPITAL 77
 3. EDUCATION AND AGRICULTURE ON THE
 MISSION STATION 79
 4. THE QUESTION OF FREEHOLD RIGHTS IN
 UMLAZI MISSION RESERVE 81
 5. THE EXPANSION OF DURBAN AND ITS IMPACT
 ON THE LAND SHORTAGE 85
 6. HOUSING PROBLEMS FOR BLACKS IN DURBAN 88
 7. POPULATION GROWTH, EXPANDING INDUSTRIAL
 ACTIVITY AND THE EXTENSION OF BOUNDARIES 90
 8. ATTEMPTS TO PURCHASE UMLAZI MlSSION LANDS 92
 9. THE INCORPORATION OF "ADDED AREAS" AND
 ITS EFFECTS 95
 10. THE SLUMS ACT NO. 53 OF 1934 AND ITS
 IMPLICATIONS 96
 11. PROPOSALS BY URBAN BLACKS TO BUY LAND
 AND ITS IMPLICATIONS 98
 12. THE SOUTHWARD EXPANSION OF DURBAN
 AND UMLAZI 101
 13. CONCLUSION 102
 CHAPTER 5: INCORPORATION OR NOT?
 I. INTRODUCTION 104
 2. SECOND WORLD WAR CONDITIONS AI\'D
I'
 THE PROBLEM OF BLACK HOUSING IN DURBAN 104
 3. THE SALE OF THE GLEBE LANDS TO THE DURBAN
 CITY COUNCIL 106
 4. THE GROWTH OF THE BOOTH ROAD AND CATO
 MANOR SQUATTER AREAS 110
 5. REASONS FOR THE CHOICE OF UMLAZI MISSION
 RESERVE AS AN URBAN TOWNSHIP 114
 6. SUGGESTIONS BY NICHOLLS TO INCORPORATE
 UMLAZI MISSION RESERVE UNDER A
 DURBAN COUNTY COUNCIL 122
 7. REACTIONS BY RESIDENTS AT UMLAZI MISSION 125
 8. CONCLUSION 132
 CHAPTER 6: PROTESTS BY CHIEF LUTHULI, THE
 NATAL MISSION RESERVE ASSOCIATION
 AND WHITE CRITICS
 I. INTRODUCTION 134
 2. CHIEF LUTHULI AND HIS CLAMOUR FOR BLACK
 LAND OWNERSHIP 134
 3. ARGUMENTS OF LUTHULI AND THE NATAL MISSION
 RESERVE ASSOCIATION AGAINST INCORPORATION 136
 4. OPPOSITION BY SENATORS BROOKES AND
 SHEPSTONE AND THE ANGLICAN BISHOP OF NATAL 146
 5. PROTESTS AND COUNTER-PROPOSALS BY THE
 AMERICAN BOARD MISSION 151
 6. THE COMPROMISING AND PRO-URBANISATION
 ELEME T 154
 7. CO CLUS10 158
vi
 CHAPTER 7:
 I.
 2.
 THE INVESTIGATIONS OF THE
 NATIVE AFFAIRS COMMISSION,
 1945-1947
 [NTRODUCTION
 THE APPOINTMENT OF THE NATIVE AFFAIRS
 COMMISSION AND ITS INITIAL PROCEEDINGS
 159
 160
 164
 164
 166
 166
 167
 167
 168
 168
 161
 (a) Individual tenure
 (b) Grazing of stock
 (c) Trading rights
 (d) Transport
 (e) Umlazi Glebe lands
 (t) Compensation
 (g) Rental of the Anglican Church
 4.
 3. SOME PROBLEMS THAT HAD TO BE CONSIDERED
 BEFORE UMLAZI MISSION COULD BE URBANISED
 THE SOLUTIONS OF THE DURBAN CITY COUNCIL
 REGARD[NG QUERIES MADE BY THE NATIVE
 AFFA[RS COMMISSION
 5. RECOMMENDATIONS MADE BY THE NATIVE AFFAIRS
 COMMISS[ON 169
 6. PROBLEMS RA[SED BY THE CITY COUNCIL IN
 CO ECT[ON WITH THE PROPOSED ALTERNATIVES [72
 (a) Chesterville (Formerly Blackhurst) 172
 (b) Lamontville 174
 (c) Area between Isipingo and Umbongintwini Rivers 175
 (d) Klaarwater - Zeekoegat - Buffelsbosch District 175
 7. DEADLOCK 176
 8. RE EWAL OF EGOTIATIO S (1947) 177
 9. CO CLUSIO 179
vii
 CHAPTER 8:
 1.
 /2.
 3.
 (a)
 UMLAZI MISSION DESTINED AS AN
 URBAN TOWNSillP OF DURBAN 1947-48
 INTRODUCTION
 THE APPOINTMENT OF THE BROOME COMMISSION
 THE FINDINGS OF THE BROOME COMMISSION
 A general view of problems of Blacks in Durban
 181
 181
 182
 183
 (b) The Broome Commission's views about the acquisition
 of UrnIazi Mission Reserve 186
 4.
 5.
 IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BROOME COMMISSION
 REPORT AND CONDmONS OF URBANISATION
 CONCLUSIO
 197
 200
 CONCLUDING REMARKS
 SOURCES
 MAPS AND lLLUSTRATIO S
 201
 207
 l. FIRST BLACK RESERVES IN NATAL COLONY 27a
 2. THE UMLAZl MISSION STATION 59a
 3. MAP SHOWlNG POSITION OF
 UMLAZl MISSION RESERVE 59b
 4. LOCATION OF DESIRED AREA WlTillN UMLAZl
 MISSION RESERVE 700
 5. GREATER DURBAN 103a
viii
 ABSTRACT
 The aim of this study was to give a general survey of the history of Umlazi Mission
 Station with particular emphasis on the land question between 1856 and 1948. The
 study highlights the fact that during these years, the Anglican Mission Station was
 characterised by many problems which aroused much controversy among various
 parties concerned.
 The numerous factors that led to the dispute among the parties can be broadly
 categorised as:
 (i) the inconsistent or erratic land policy of the Natal Colonial Government on
 mission stations which subsequently deprived the Blacks of Umlazi the right
 to own the land,
 (ii) ecclesiastical problems within the Anglican Church and the schism that
 emerged,
 (iii) interest shown by Whites and Indians in the mission station,
 (iv) the expansion of Durban as an industrial and commercial city, the dynamics
 of urbanisation and the proximity of Umlazi to Durban,
 (v) the pressure exerted by the Durban City Council to acquire Umlazi Mission
 for a black urban township and the resistance by black landowners at the
 mission station against incorporation, and
 (vi) Government intervention through the appointment of the Native Affairs
 Commission (1945) and the Broome Commission (1947 - 1948).
 The conclusion drawn is that Umlazi was a victim of many factors - geographic,
 religiolls. social, economic and political. The crucial period in the history of the
miSSion station was 1942 -1948. The events during this period show how the
 geographic factor became the central issue in the dispute.
 The mission station had inevitably to be affected by the urbanisation process because
 of its proximity to the rapidly growing city. In addition to the above the industrial
 development in Durban was following a southward direction which brought the
 boundaries of the city close to Umlazi. Had the mission station been situated
 elsewhere in some remote part of the country, as with most mission stations in Natal,
 the development of the area would probably have taken a different course.
 This trend whereby rural areas situated close to fast groWIng urban areas are
 urbanised, is a world-wide phenomenon. However, one cannot overlook the fact that
 the Blacks were politically disadvantaged and without parliamentary power to veto the
 decision. This study shows, however, that much was done by the Smuts Government
 during the height of the controversy to treat the matter in an unbiased fashion by
 using commissions, consultations and open discussions from all parties concerned.
 All these events make the history of Umlazi Mission exceptional, fascinating and
 worthy of study.
x
 OPSOMMING
 Die doel van hierdie sludie was om 'n algemene ondersoek le loods na die geskiedenis
 van Umlazi sendingstasie, met besondere klem op die grondkwessie tussen die jare
 1856 en 1948. Die sludie beklemtoon die feil dal hierdie Ang1ikaanse sendingstasie
 gedurende die genoemde jare deur baie probleme gekenmerk is wat veel
 omstredenheid lussen verskeie belanghebbende groepe veroorsaak het.
 Die talle faktore wal lwis in die geledere van hierdie groepe veroorsaak hel, kan in
 die algemeen onder die volgende hoofpunle ingedeel word:
 (i) die Natalse Koloniale owerheid se wisselvallige of onsekere grondbeleid
 m. b.t. sendingstasies, wal uiteindelik die Swartes van Umlazi ontneem het van
 die reg op grondbesit,
 (ii) interne godsdienslige probleme van die Ang1ikaanse Kerk en die skeuring wat
 daaruit gesprllil hel,
 (iii) die belangslelling van Blankes en Indiers in die sendingstasie,
 (iv) die uilbreiding van Durban as industriele en handelstad, die dinamiese druk
 van verstedeliking en Umlazi se nabye ligging aan die Durbanse metropool,
 (v) die drllk wal die Durbanse Stadsraad uitgeoefen het om die Umlazi 
sendingslasie as Swart stedelike woonbuurt le verkry en die weerstand teen
 sledelike insllliling deur swart grondeienaars van hierdie sendingstasie, en
 (vi) Regerings-inmenging deur die aanstelling van die Kommissie van Naturelle
 Sake (1945) en die Broome-Kommissie (1947-1948).
 Daar word uiteindelik bevind d_at Umlazi die slagoffer van baie faktore was  
geografies, godsdienslig, sosiaal, ekonomies en polities. Die jare 1942-1948 was die
xi
 beslissende tydperk in the geskiedenis van hierdie sendingstasie. Gebeure in hierdie
 periode toon hoe die geografiese faktor die belangrikste saa.k in die twis geword het.
 Die sendingstasie moes onvermydelik deur die verstedelik:ingsproses beinvloed word,
 aangesien dit naby die snel uitbreidende stad gelee was. Boonop het die nywerhede
 van Durban in 'n suidelike rigting uitgebrei, wat die stadsgrens tot naby Umlazi laat
 strek het. Indien die sendingstasie elders gelee was, in 'n afgelee deel van die land,
 soos die meeste ander Natalse sendingstasies, sou die ontwikkeling van die gebied
 waarskynlik anders verloop het.
 Hierdie tendens, waarvolgens verstedeliking van landelike gebiede plaasvind wat naby
 snel ontwikkelende stedelike areas gelee is, is 'n universele verskynsel. Nogtans kan
 die feit nie ontken word nie dat die Swartes polities benadeel en sonder parlemenrere
 mag was om die finale besluit te veto. Hierdie studie toon ewenwel dat die Smuts 
regering tydens die hoogtepunt van verdeeldheid baie verrnag het om die saak op 'n
 onbevooroordeelde wyse te hanteer d.m. v. Kommissies, sarnesprekinge en 'n ope
 dehat tussen alle belanghebbendes.
 Al hierdie gebeure maak 'n studie van die geskiedenis van die Umlazi-sendingstasie
 buitengewoon, boeiend en die moeite werd.
xii
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
 A voluminous and scientific study of this nature is an undertaking few students can
 easily complete without the joint effort and cooperation of a number of people.
 Hereto I am sincerely indebted to
 MY promoter, Prof. J. de Villiers , Head of the Department of History,
 University of Zululand, for inspiring me to research this topic as well as his
 unfailing support and unstinted professional guidance throughout the project,
 The J,ate Chief A.J. Luthuli. His book, Let My People Go discusses his role
 in the Umlazi land controversy in the 1940's. His account opened my eyes to
 the possibility of the present research topic,
 Prof. P. Maylam, Head of the Department of History, Rhodes University,
 then attached to the University of Natal, (Durban), for perusing through the
 first drafts of my initial research findings, his suggestions and constructive
 remarks,
 Prof. L.M. Magi and his colleagues in the Geography Department, University
 of Zululancl, for redrawing and improving the maps used in this study.
 Mr B. Khambule, my brother-in-law, who encouraged me to go on with this
 study and even lent me his typewriter to type the first draft chapters of this
 work.
 The late Prof. A.M. Nzimande, the only surviving senior resident of Umlazi
 Mission Station known to me, for availing me the opportunity to interview
 hi III on several occasions, during which he clarified salient points and
 discussed various questions concerning the causes of the land controversy
 about Umlazi Mission Station,
xiii
 Prof S. Maphalala and Mrs G. Gule both in the Department of History,
 University of Zululand , for their friendly support and scholarly comments,
 Mr W.J. Ndaba, lecturer, Department of Philosophy, University of ZuluIand,
 for the close interest shown in the project and his assistance in correcting
 grammatical errors and technical aspects in the work.
 In the same regard the contribution of Mr M S Jele, acting Rector of Ntuzuma
 College of Education, is hard to overlook.
 The Library Staff, University of Zululand, for all their effort in helping me
 to locate relevant literature,
 The Staff, Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg, for their ready kindness, patience
 and willingness to provide valuable primary sources during my countless
 visits,
 The Staff, Don Africana Library, B.P. Centre, Durban, for their unfailing c0 
operation and assistance, particularly Mrs Conerty for taking special interest
 in the details and progress of the project and her painstaking contribution to
 locate sources on my behalf,
 The Staff, State Archives, Pretoria, for kindly and patiently tracing relevant
 documents on the topic, thus helping greatly to flll gaps in the narrative. In
 this regard my special gratitude goes to Mrs L. Pretorius, Mrs Z. van Zyl,
 Mrs R. Uys and Mrs L. Coetzee.
 The Library Staff, Anglican Church Records Section, University of
 Witwatersrand. for providing a few but vital sources on Umlazi Mission,
 My typists Miss T Mhlanga, Mrs S. Msomi, Miss T Mthiyane, Miss D
 Khanyile, Miss N Ngidi: Mr S Limako, Mrs B Kunene and Mrs R Beets,
xiv
 who typed the first draft of the work. Special thanks go to Miss A Selby, Miss
 D Ngcobo, Mr W J Ndaba and Mr SS Chonco who worked energeticalJy and
 patiently to process the contents of this work onto the computer,
 Colleagues, friends, relatives and well wishers who have all supported this
 academic venture,
 My parents who sent me to school where the foundation was laid for higher
 education. It is for their sacrifice that the fmal tribute must go for this
 achievement. To them, as always, I say "Unwele olude!".
 My wife, Joy, and children Mbali and Londa, for their support during the
 years I was conducting this research,
 the Almighty God, the Giver of all Goodness, who has been the source of
 light and strength throughout this study. Indeed those who have trust in Him
 never fail!
xv
 PRELIMINARY REMARKS
 This study is an exposition of the history of Umlazi Mission Station between 1856
 and 1948. Umlazi Township, situated 16 kilometres south of Durban, was originally
 a mission station of the Church of England. The Mission Reserve that was part of the
 Mission Station was the only Mission Reserve of the Anglican Church in Natal.
 Umlazi Mission Station remained a black rural area for close to a century since its
 establishment in 1856. However, its rural character did not last forever. Over the
 years the Durban Municipal area was bursting its seams and absorbing many areas
 around the city including the south coast.
 Much against the will and aspirations of the black people who lived on the Mission,
 the Government accepted the request of the Durban City Council to incorporate
 Umlazi Mission to Durban. Subsequently the urbanisation of the Mission took place
 on a dramatic scale in the I96Os. Today Umlazi is the largest black township in
 Durban in terms of size, population and infrastructure.
 However, this study focuses on the events and developments that took place at the
 Mission prior to urbanisation. The study ends in 1948 when the National Party
 government had just come to power. The Government agreed to the recommendations
 of the Broome Commission appointed by the Smuts government in 1947 to convert
 Umlazi Mission into a township. In principle the Mission was now destined to be on
 the way to urbanisation.
 This research was inspired by Luthuli's book Let My People Go'. In this work the
 author highlights his role as a civil rights leader in which capacity he also tackled the
 prohlems of Umlazi Mission. During the 1940s Luthuli assisted the Black people of
 Umlazi Mission in their protest against the urbanisation of the mission.
 A.J.Luthuli: Let My People Go, pp. 65-7.
xvi
 The proposal to urbanise Umlazi had been initiated by the Durban City Council. The
 City Council was under pressure to acquire land to set up a township to house its
 huge black population and it saw Umlazi as the most appropriate area for this
 purpose. Luthuli and other prominent leaders represented Umlazi residents in various
 meetings in which the future development of Umlazi Mission was discussed.
 However, since Luthuli was not writing exclusively on Umlazi, no elaborate account
 of the subject has been made. Consequently his book raises a number of questions
 with regard to the origin and development of Umlazi Mission prior to the 1940s. A
 more comprehensive study of the area was needed. This is what this research attempts
 to do. It explores the history of Umlazi Mission since the 19th century and places
 events Luthuli describes in their proper perspective.
 Umlazi Mission was founded in 1856. This fact has meant that the research had to
 start from the middle of the 19th century. The long period this study covers, viz.
 1856-1948, may be regarded as a limitation for it meant that many sources covering
 this period had to be consulted. Achieving this was not easy. Whereas some periods
 had plenty material available, in others the information was fragmentary and difficult
 to find. However, focus in this research was on the land problem and its attendant
 controversy. On this theme the amount of information collected and studied was
 reasonably sufficient to give a balanced view of the problem. Thus even though no
 account is given on certain periods, that this area was controversial before it was
 urhanised remains clear.
 It Illust be emphasised that though this study deals with a mission station, not much
 attempt has been made to examine religious developments. The reason for this is that
 con<:ern is more on the land problem than on ecclesiasticil matters. Church and
 educalional developments at Umlazi Mission have been described to a limited degree
 to highlight the level of development reached by the people of Umlazi.
 The study is based largely on primary sources. These include the Durban Mayor's
 Minutes, reports of Commissions, letters of various officials and leaders, records of
 Missionaries. British Parliameniary Papers, Parliamentary Acts of the Natal Colony
xvii
 and the Union of South Africa. Almost all these were obtained from Natal Archives
 (pietennaritzburg). A few were obtained from the Don Africana Library (Durban).
 The State Archives in Pretoria also yielded a few but vital documents on the subject
 under study. Some Church records and other relevant materials were found at the
 Anglican Church Archives of the University of the Witwatersrand Library.
 Much material was also unearthed from newspapers in microfilm. These were "The
 Natal Mercury", the "Daily News" and "I1anga Lase Natali". The "I1anga" was
 found to have much relevant information because of its geographic location. As a
 Zulu newspaper (founded by Or J.L.Dube in 1903 and printed in Durban), it was
 used by the educated class of Zulus to reflect on matters that affected them. The black
 leaders of Umlazi and other prominent figures in and around Durban used the
 "Ilanga" as their mouth piece. This newspaper published their opinions and
 suggestions on the future development of the mission station.
 A number of secondary sources have been used. Much of them have been used in
 Chapter I which gives a general background infonnation on black locations
 (Reserves), Mission Stations and Reserves
 Some of the information on aspects such as the Shepstone land policies and mission
 work are general knowledge. However the study seeks to interpret the same old facts
 in the light of our present historical perspective in order to develop a newer and
 fresher insight into the land problem that emerged at Umlazi.
 The oral sources of the study are based on the late Or. Nzimande's oral contribution.
 As a scientist of the humanities he helped with invaluable information. The weight
 of his contrihution is highlighted by the close correspondence of his recollections with
 opinions by Blacks published in the newspapers, especially the "I1anga Lase Natali"
 in those times.
 It is noteworthy that the history of Umlazi Mission Station is interwoven with the
 history and development of Durban. For this reason a discussion of this city's growth
xviii
 became inevitable in the study. Durban itself is characterised by a broad, detailed and
 complex history. Bearing the above in mind, the attempt made in this study to provide
 some background on the town's growth, helps to elucidate how the consequences of
 the growth and development of Durban affected that of Umlazi.
 Finally no scientific study is without shortcomings or errors. Research always poses
 a challenge to people interested in a particular field or project. Should they doubt the
 work done or have more interest, they can do further research themselves and even
 make a greater contribution than that made. The writer acknowledges that this work
 may contain some errors and will therefore welcome constructive criticism.
 Therefore this work is presented as an attempt to trace the history of Umlazi Mission
 and controversy arising from the land problem. The writer hopes that a student or
 1....
 scholar interested in history of Durban and the dynamics of its urban development
 ~
 will gain a new perspective of the problems involved in modern industrialisation and
 urban isation.
1
 CHAPTER 1
 GENERAL VIEW OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACK LOCATIONS,
 MlSSION STATIONS AND RESERVES IN NATAL DURING THE 19TH
 CENTURY
 1. INTRODUCTION
 Umlazi Mission Station and Reserve, which is the focus of this study, is one of a
 number of mission stations founded by mission societies in Natal during the second
 half of the 19th century. Most of these mission stations were established within Black
 Locations" then called Native Locations or Reserves. The history of locations and
 Mission Reserves is to some extent interwoven throughout Natal colonial history.
 Thus it is not easy to speak about mission stations or Mission Reserves without
 referring to locations. In spite of this overlap, Black Locations and Mission Stations
 and Reserves were, as shall be indicated later in this chapter, administered separately.
 In sum the aim of this chapter is to give a general view of the establishment of Black
 Locations, Mission Stations and Reserves. The chapter will achieve this by discussing
 factors that led to the emergence of these areas, the principles or policies behind their
 administration, white reaction towards land policies, the differences between glebes
 and reserves and the question of land ownership and individual titles. The Mission
 Reserves Act of 1895 and 1903 are also examined as they throw light on the legal
 background behind the formation of Mission Reserves. All these factors wiIJ be
 found to be relevant towards the understanding of the developments that took place
 at Umlazi Mission. They formed the basis for the debates that ensued about the area
 under study. The question of individual titles and the terms laid down in the two
 2 Originally these were called "Native Locations" but
 for the purpose of this study the name "Black
 Locations" will be used. Consequently throughout this
 work the term "Native" shall be'substituted by "Black"
 or "Zulu" except in quotations, titles of Officials,
 names of bodies and pUblications. The term "location"
 also refers to a black urban village or township.
2
 Acts cited are particularly important.
 2. CIRCUMSTANCES THAT LED TO THE FOUNDING OF BLACK LOCATIONS
 (RESERVES) IN NATAL
 By the end of the 19th century land in British colonial Natal had been carved and
 distributed to both white settlers and blacks. The distribution was done in such a
 manner that Blacks came to occupy land chiefly in the following areas:
 I. Locations
 2. Mission Reserves
 3. Crown lands
 4. Private lands
 5. Special Tmsts 3
 For the present this section deals with black locations and Mission Reserves since
 they were the chief areas scheduled for black occupation and development.
 Black Locations were created shortly after the British occupation of Natal in 1843.
 At this time it was felt that there was a need to allocate land properly in the interest
 of both Whites and Blacks. The land policy followed segregatory lines.
 Tht' idea of separating Blacks from Whites territorially and residentially in Natal was
 mooted after the last Boer-Zulu War in 1838. Then a state of unsystematic integration
 between the two groups was created as described below.
 In 1838, the Zulus under the Kingship of Dingane were conquered by the
 Voortrekkers. This conquest preceded the establishment of the Republic of Natalia
 by the Voortrekkers. A large number of Blacks who had fled from the wrath of Shaka
 and Dingant' returned to Natal to occupy land that they maintained was formerly
 thei rs.
 The Natal Mercury, 9 February, 1905, p. 10. (Report of
 South African Native Affairs Commission.)
3
 The influx of Blacks increased as more refugees took up more or less permanent
 abode within the White settlement. These developments resulted in two scenarios:
 Firstly, the immigration of so many Blacks to what had become a white man's
 territory, became a cause of concern to the Boers. In response they wished to deal
 with the problem immediately and in an effective manner. Secondly, the increasing
 black population wiped out the territorial boundary between Black and White'. But
 the Voortrekker Government or Volksraad of the newly formed Republic was
 powerless to stop the immigration of the Blacks'. Most of these Blacks became
 labourers on white farms.
 One of the main results of the sudden influx of Blacks was the large number of
 refugee squatter settlements on white farms6? The Voortrekkers had not forgotten
 the Cape Eastern frontier problem. To prevent the recurrence of a similar problem,
 the Volksraad began to consider measures for applying the Trekker Policy of racial
 differentiation and territorial segregation7 . However, this policy could not work
 because the white fanners could not survive without black labour on their farms.
 Thus it was not easy to draw a strict dividing line between black and white land.
 To neutralise this difficulty the Voortrekkers attempted to limit the numbers of black
 labourers entering the service of white farmers. They instructed landdrosts to ensure
 that no farmer allowed more than five black families to live on his farm. This attempt
 too was not effective. It became difficult for the authorities to persuade the poorly
 paid or unpaid white officials to apply this measure effectively. Because of the
 ,
 ?
 7
 D.W. Kruger: The Making of a Nation, p.9.
 E. Smith: The Life and Times of Daniel Lindley, 212 .
 The term "squatter" refers to Blacks or persons who
 occupied land illegally. Such land was usually? white 
owned. A compromise was made to allow them to remain
 on the land in exchange for labour, rent and other
 services rendered to the white? farmers.
 -C.F.J Muller (Ed.): 500 years a History of South
 Africa, p. 170.
4
 extensive territory the officials could not prevent the black labourers from
 contravening the law'. Thus this situation continued until the British annexed Natal
 in 1843.
 Various factors prompted the British Government to extend its sphere of influence to
 Natal. One of the motives was to preserve peace and stability in the region. It is
 important to note that as early as 1838 the British had begun to show concern about
 the welfare of Blacks in Natal. In 1838 Governor Napier had sent a small body of
 troops under Major Charters to take temporary possession of Port Natal in order to
 prevent the emigrant farmers (Boers) from encroaching on black rights'.
 With time the British realised the weak security situation on the Eastern frontier. The
 frontier was vulnerable due to unrests resulting from the conflicts between the Boers
 and the Blacks. Consequently the British decided to annex Natal. The intended
 annexation was announced in the Cape Legislative Council on 4 May 184310?
 However, effective British adminjstration did not begin until late 1845 when the key
 official appointments were made. The first Lieutenant-Governor appointed was
 Martin West who reached Natal on 8 December 1845".
 Before 1845 Dr Henry Cloete was provisionally appointed by the Cape Government
 as Special Commissioner in Natal. He was assigned, inter alia, to study the land
 prohlem and make recommendations. His first duty was to inquire into and report
 on the number of farmers and others holding land in Natal, the extent of their
 G.W. Eybers (Ed.): Document No 98: The Occupation of
 Port Natal by a British Force (4 December, 1838) in
 Select Constitutional Documents Illustrating South
 African History 1795 - 1910, p. 151.
 III
 "
 T.R.H. Davenport: fS~o~u~t~h~2A~f~r~1~?c~?~a~:__~AL-~M~o~d~e~r~nL-~H~i~s~t~o~r~y,
 p.86.
5
 holdings and how they derived their individual claims12 ? He was authorised to
 "freeze" the then existing land position. This instruction meant that no further grants
 of land were to be made unless the British Government approved13 ? According to
 these instructions the white farmers were required to have bona fide occupied the land
 for a period of twelve months before the arrival of the Commissioner4 ?
 These measures seem to have been severe on the white settlers. At a distance it
 appears that they were aimed to frustrate them. But this was not quite the case. The
 British Government only desired to organise and control land distribution in an
 orderly fashion and in a way that would secure land for both white and black
 communities. Commissioner Cloete recommended that Voortrekker farmers unable
 to prove continued occupation should receive grants, whilst all who had made bona
 fide purchases of land should receive back the purchase money". The first but not
 the second recommendation was eventually accepted by the Colonial Officel6 .
 Concerning the treatment of black inhabitants, Commissioner Cloete had definite
 instructions to announce to the Boers and to see to it that they were put into effect.
 These measures were the following:
 That there shall not be, in the eye of the law any distinction or
 disqualification whatever, founded on mere distinction of
 colour, origin, language or creed, but the protection of the law,
 in letter and in SUbstance, shall be extended to all alike.
 That no aggression shall be sanctioned upon the Natives
 residing beyond the limits of the colony, under any plea
 whatever by any private person, or any body of men, unless
 acting under the immediate authority and orders of the
 .2
 '4
 ,;
 ,.
 The Natal Witness, 4 March, 1982, (A new look at old
 Natal) .
 Ibid.
 J.C. Chase: The Natal Papers, p. 284.
 A.F. Hattersley: The British Settlement of Natal, p.
 62.
 Ibid.
6
 Government.
 That slavery in any shape, or under any modification is
 absolutely unlawful, as, m every other portion of Her
 Majesty's dominion '7.
 For the Blacks these conditions were vital. They indicate that it was one of the
 primary objectives in British colonial policy in Natal to ensure that the Blacks also
 had a share of the land. In that way they were protected from a state of landlessness
 and dependence which had begun to take root under the Voortrekker regime. Legally
 too, the Blacks would enjoy social and economic equality with the Whites. Although
 this equality was only technical, the principle itself was important in that it paved the
 way for the formation of special areas for Blacks where they would live without
 feeling the full impact of white domination.
 After his tour of Natal, Commissioner Cloete put down his findings and
 recommendations in a report. Concerning the allocation of land to the Blacks, he
 recommended to the Cape Government the granting to the Blacks in perpetuity and
 under trusteeship of their chiefs the lands they inhabited. Cloete suggested to place
 the large number of Blacks designated "refugees", into locations in the best
 disposable positions".
 Dr Cloete's proposal was supported by Lieutenant Governor Martin West. On 31
 March 1846 West appointed the Natal Native Land Commission to recommend steps
 for the location and efficient control of the Blacks". This commission consisted of
 Sir Theophilus Shepstone, Diplomatic Agent of Natal, Dr WiJliam Stanger, Surveyor 
General, Dr ewton Adams and the Rev Daniel Lindley. the two American
 .. .
 mlsslonanes.
 11
 "
 H. Cloete: Five Lectures, p. 162.
 J .R. Sullivan: The Native Policy of Sir Theophilus
 Shepstone, p. 52 ..
 A.F. Hattersley: More Annals of Natal, p. 236.
7
 Lieutenant-Governor West's attitude is said to have been favourable towards the
 Blacks. He regarded them as aboriginals and authorised the setting apart of locations
 for their use2".
 The reasons for the inclusion of the two American missionaries should be noted. They
 were not placed on the Land Commission because they had a wide influence on
 British Government policy. They were placed primarily because their views coincided
 with the desire of West and Shepstone to obtain land security for Blacld'. The
 Commissioners accordingly implemented the proposal and recommended allocating
 ten reserves encompassing two million acres for the Blacks and also setting aside land
 for future increase22. In figures this amount of land looks substantial but in
 comparison with the share of the Whites, the black share was insignificant. The
 Whites who comprised ten percent of the population received ninety percent of the
 best farm land2'.
 To achieve their objective was not going to be easy for the commission, given the fact
 that Blacks were already established and scattered in various parts of the colony. The
 situation required some mechanism or method to settle Blacks in areas reserved for
 them. In the years that followed this task was carried out by Sir Theophilus
 Shepstone, who as indicated earlier was one of the members of the Land
 ?
 Commission.
 3. THE SHEPSTO E POLICY
 Sir Th~philus Shepstone was the son of Rev. William Shepstone, Wesleyan
 missionary in the Eastern Cape. He is generally regarded in Natal history as the
 2<0
 21
 Sullivan: The Native Policy .... , p. 52.
 M. Dinnerstein: The American Board Mission to the Zulu
 1835 - 190Q p.66.,
 Ibid., p. 66-67.
 Ibid., p. 67.
8
 founder of Black Reserves and the protector of black interests. Having spent his
 childhood among the Xhosa he gained a thorough knowledge of their language. In this
 way he came to have an extensive knowledge of the laws, customs and usages of the
 black people. At Fort Peddie he filled the post of Diplomatic AgenfA. In 1845
 Shepstone came to Natal. Because of his Cape experience as Diplomatic Agent he was
 well fined for the same post in Natal2.l. Thus he soon rose to the post of Secretary
 for Native Affairs in Natal, a post he held until 1875. He therefore commanded
 great respect in the colony in relation to all questions connected with the intercourse
 of European colonists and the Blacks in Natal 26
 As Secretary for Native Affairs he adopted the traditional sanctions and mores of the
 Blacks. From the above it is evident that he did not regard the black legal machinery
 as a primitive system to be discarded. Rather he saw it as a necessary preparation for
 a later contact with European civilisation21 .
 Shepstone's approach influenced all policies and decisions affecting Blacks. His policy
 was based on two fundamental principles. These were segregation and racial
 differentiation. He neither appro ed of the policy of equality favoured by the early
 missionaries nor of the policy of repression advocated by the majority of Natal
 colonists2'. He believed that Blacks could be civilized by a process of evolution,
 which meant that they would have to be introduced gradually to the European way
 of life.
 On the locations the Blacks were to be collected and governed by their own laws
 through the medium of their own chiefs29? Being the principal chief, Shepstone
 W.C. Holden: History of the Colony of Natal, p. 160.
 Ibid.
 26 A.F. Hattersley: Later Annals of Natal, p. 209.
 Ibid.
 M.S. Geen: The Making of South Africa, p. 128.
 Holden: History of ... p. 176.
9
 tried cases, settled disputes and imposed punishmentJO. He also persuaded a large
 portion of the Natal black population to move to the scheduled reserves".
 Accordingly the plan proposed by the Government to grant tribal titles oflands to the
 black population meant that the locations were to be intersected with belts of Crown
 lands. This strategy was used to prevent the massing together of the Blacks32?
 However, thousands of Blacks remained as tenants on land owned by the land
 companies or by lesser speculators33 ? Others lived on Crown land attached to
 mission stations"'.
 Shepstone supported the system of imposing hut tax on Blacks. This tax included a
 quil rent for land they occupied. This would help raise the revenue for important
 public projects such as schools, roads and hospitals. Besides, it would teach the
 Blacks the discipline of work in order to obtain the means of paying their taxes35 .
 Black locations were subsequently established throughout Natal with Shepstones's
 recommendations as the guiding principles. In Natal the first location was the
 Zwartkop (or Zwartkops) location near Pieterrnaritzburg. In November 1846
 Zwankops was set aside for about 8 000 people36. On 8 March 1847 the
 Lieutenant-Governor provisionally gazetted four locations on the recommendations
 3U
 "
 34
 Ibid.
 J.D. amer-Cooper: History of Southern Africa, p. 86.
 Report of the Select committee appointed to consider
 Tribal Titles to land for Natives in Selected
 Documents Presented Legislative Council, Natal, 1857 
1861 p. 409.
 amer-Cooper: History of .... , p.86.
 Ibid.
 Extract from Earl Grey's Dispatch to Sir Harry Smith,
 British Parliameqtary Papers (Natal) vol. 29.
 Smith: The Life and Times ... p. 256.
10
 of the Commission. These were Zwartkop, Umlazi, Umvoti and Inancla31? Three
 more locations were added in 1849, namely, Urnzinyathi, the Tugela and Impofana
 locations38 . Under Lieutenant-Governor Scott further locations were added. By 1864
 there were 42 locations (2,067,057 acres)3". The population on these locations
 totalled 227,708 Blacks, giving an average of 4 1/2 morgen equal to 9 1/2 acres per
 individual40?
 In several locations sections were demarcated as Mission Stations and Mission
 Reserves and were granted to various missionary bodies (to be discussed in detail in
 the following section). Umlazi Location was supposed to contain 206,921 acres."
 Umlazi alone was composed of three Mission Reserves, namely, Amanzimtoti,
 Imfume and Umlazi. Jointly all three are supposed to have covered 20,000 acres
 excluding the 500 acre lots for each mission42?
 4. WHITE REACTIONS AND ARGUMENTS ABOUT UMLAZI LOCATION
 The location system was devised to satisfy land claims of both Whites and Blacks but
 it created much antagonism from Whites and controversy among Whites themselves.
 Many colonists opposed the scheme because Black Reserves were too big for
 effective control and administration. Officials like Benjamin Pine Lieutenant
 37
 Ibid., p. 264.
 The Natal Mercury, 9 February, 1905, p. 10. (Report of
 the South African Native Affairs commission).
 E. H. Brookes and C. de B. Webb: A Hi"story of Natal,
 p.60 .
 ....
 .,
 41
 Document
 Division
 council,
 of F.Fynn, Resident Magistrate Umkhomazi
 in Selected DocumentsPresented Legislative
 Natal, 1857-1861.
11
 Governor between 1850-55, considered the Reserves too large and the restoration of
 the chiefs authority a retrograde step'3. It was generally felt that the location
 system would retard the process of civilising the Blacks.
 But it would seem the main complaint from white settlers was that the Location
 system created a severe shortage of labour since it did not create a machinery strong
 enough to compel Blacks to look for work. The following statement from Rev.
 Holden's records illustrates this point:
 The subject of Kaffu Labour has never yet been placed on a
 satisfactory basis; ... the farmer has not been able to carry on
 successfully his agricultural operations, or the merchant to
 obtain the assistance required, whilst household labours have
 fallen chietly on the master and mistress of the establishment.
 Many of the Europeans have had to perform the most menial
 services, and could proceed no further in any undertaking
 beyond what they were able to accomplish by their efforts; or
 they had to pay for the White man's labour"".
 This labour shortage can well be understood when the situation that existed before
 the British occupation of Natal is taken into account. The consequence of this
 problem is that most white farmers were so dissatisfied and discouraged that some
 left the Natal Colony in despair and disgust'5.
 A further grievance from Whites was the location system which they saw as
 perpetuating the state of insecurity. They perceived the system of locations as
 designed systematically to give the Blacks the opportunity to mobilise and
 consolidate their forces against and also unobserved by the Whites. The Whites
 saw the chiefs and their subjects as perpetuating hostilities towards the colony. In
 Geen: The Making of .... , p. 127.
 44 Holden: History of .... , p. 177-178.
 Ibid., p. 180.
12
 other words they saw the location system as a threat to their security"".
 In 1853 Natal was given a Representative Government: whites colonists were
 granted the right to elect their own parliamentary representatives. White opposition
 against the locations became more pronounced especially early in 1857. At that
 time candidates standing for election to represent the various Boroughs or
 Countys in the New Legislative Assembly used the land issue to marshal support
 in their favour.
 As it will be seen in the next section, Umlazi location became a popular territory
 to Christian Missions but it became one of the targets of attack largely because of
 its geographic position. Various candidates protested openly against the land policy
 of 1I mlazi. The following statement by W.H. Addison clarifies this point:
 If I should be elected your representative I will attend more
 especially to the interests of the agriculturists ... I am sorry
 to see so large a portion of our most valuable coast lands
 swallowed up in Native Locations. I am, therefore, of the
 opinion that the Umlaas Native Location ought to be
 immediately broken up, and the land given away in small
 grants from one to three hundred acres to bona fide
 occupants, but I am decidedly opposed to giving away large
 tracts of these valuable lands to satisfy land claims... If,
 however, capitalists or companies will undertake to turn to a
 beneficial account large tracts of such lands, I will vote for
 their obtaining them... I would endeavour to induce the
 atives to purchase small freeholds... I am opposed to
 making lavish grants of our most valuable lands for
 ecclesiastical pUrposes41.
 Such arguments seem to indicate the trend of thought that white settlers had about
 black locations. There was a general attitude among them that it was the civilised
 inhahitant~ (Whites) who hould have had a better share of the land. With regard
 to lImlazi Location the above arguments show that the territory became the focal
 Ibid., p. 180-181.
 41 The Natal Mercury, 31 January, 1857. (Reply to
 Requisition)
13
 point of attention and there was much antagonism against missionaries receiving
 large tracts of valuable land there. As we shall see in the following chapters this
 interest in Umlazi Location and especially the areas of the location that lay along
 the coast, remained alive for a long time to come and made this territory to be a
 subject of interest and controversy.
 5. MISSIONARY WORK
 Umlazi Anglican Church Mission Station was one of the many mission stations
 that sprung up in Natal as a result of the expanding work of mission societies.
 Mission stations of various church denominations had proliferated in Southern
 Africa since the 18th century making their influence felt among black pre-Christian
 communities, evangelically and educationally. In Natal, because of the expanding
 missiunary activity and the civilising influence the missionaries exerted, missions
 received the recognition and support of the Colonial Government. Consequently
 when Black Locations were established in British Natal, the Land Commission
 appointed by Lieutenant Governor West in 1846, recommended inter alia, the
 moral and intellectual improvement of the Blacks'S. Thus they encouraged the
 establishment of an adequate number of mission stations and schools in each
 location.
 Schools became an integral part of missionary service. Initially the missionaries
 concentrated on teaching the converts the 3 Rs, that is, Reading, Writing and
 Arithmetic. In some cases practical subjects were also offered. In the course of
 time the convens could read and write. As a result schooling enabled the converts
 to r~ad the Bible themselves. The increasing literacy weakened dependence on
 superstition. animism and witchcraft". This loosening from the bonds of
 smith: The Life and Times .... , p. 255.
 -
 M.C.J. Mphahlele: The Methodist Venture in Education
 at Kilnerton 1886-1962, p. 91.
14
 superstition was a direct result of sound religious educationso. Shepstone
 expressed the necessity of missionary education. He pointed out that it was
 desirable that missionaries, devoted exclusively to work among the people, should
 be placed at each location, and that both Sunday and weekday schools be
 established51 ? He pointed out that such instruction helped the young generation to
 overcome the superstitious beliefs which stifled the minds of their parents.
 Shepstone advocated the substitution of the former questionable beliefs of the
 Blacks by what he considered sounder European notions of their religious and
 moral obligations5?
 Almost all mission societies shared Shepstone's view. It is for this reason that
 even colleges were established by certain mission bodies. The Society for the
 Propagation of Christian Knowledge (S.P.C.K.) also felt that schools and colleges
 wert~ the most important agencies in missionary work by which the young
 generation in the blal:k community could be educated in a Christian atmosphere
 and under Christian influences. even while they embraced African religion53 ?
 Schooling the Blacks removed their prejudices and imparted fresh ideas into them
 which took root and grew54 ? Thus according to the S.P.C.K. though education
 might not appear at first to be direct evangelistic work, yet later it proved to be
 the hest instrument in use by the Missionary teacher to initiate the Black into the
 Christian way of life.';.
 Ibid.
 51 Letter of T. Shepstone, Diplomatic Agent's
 Pietermaritzburg, 26 April, 1846,
 Parliamentary Papers (Natal), Vol. 18.
 Ibid.
 Office,
 British
 .'.1 W.O.B. AlIen and E. McClure: Two Hundred Years - The
 History of the Society for Fromoting Christian
 Knowledge, 1698-1898, p. 293.
 Ibid., p. 294.
15
 Many mission stations were established in Natal shortly after the occupation of the
 territory by the British. By 1851 the American Board Mission had taken the lead
 in mission work. It had established twelve mission stations along the coast of
 Natal. These were Umthwalume, Ifafa, Amahlongwa, Imfume, Umvoti, Table
 Mountain, Mapumulo, Amanzimtoti, Umsunduze, Inanda, Esidumbini and
 Itafamasi. Besides the American Board Mission there were other missions,
 namely, the Anglicans, Methodists, Catholics, Norwegians and Germans all
 engaged in Christianising and civilising the black people.
 6. MISSION GLEBES AND RESERVES
 A distinction should be made between a mission station and a mission reserve.
 Mission stations were established in all the provinces both inside and outside
 demarcated areas. Mission Reserves developed or flowed from some mission
 stations. But the Mission Reserves were an institution peculiar to Natal56?
 In Natal Mission Reserves belonged to the South African Native Trust. They
 di ffered from tribal locations in that within them they recognised missionary work
 of a particular denomination onlfl.
 Mission Reserves were the outcome of the desire of mission bodies to ensure legal
 control over the land on which their stations were established. When missionary
 work began in atal, Missionaries felt the need to increase their influence over the
 Blacks. Therefore they petitioned the provincial authority to grant more land near
 or around the mission station upon which Blacks might settleS!.
 .'6 E. Brookes and N. Hurwitz: The Native Reserves of
 Natal, p. 17.
 Ibid.
 J. du Plessis: A History of Christian Missions in
 South Africa, p. 305.
16
 The desire by the missionaries to have legal control over the land arose from the
 fact that neither themselves nor the vast majority of Blacks in the locations
 possessed documentary title to the land. To the Zulu's this was part of their
 traditional system since the concept of private or individual land ownership was
 foreign. Before the establishment of the White governments in these parts, all land
 belonged to the monarch under a system of communal land ownerships9.
 The creation of Mission Reserves was started by the American Board
 Missionaries. In 1856 they appealed to Sir George Grey, Governor of the Cape
 and British Commissioner for South Africa to grant them legal rights over Church
 lands. Grey showed a thorough and intelligent interest in mission work and a kind
 and considerate regard for the missionaries themselves60.
 He responded by drafting a deed conveying to the Chairman, Secretary and
 Treasurer of the Mission in Trust for the American Board, certain lands to be held
 for the use by the mission station. The mission was granted power to lease such
 land for periods not exceeding twenty one years, the rents being applied in South 
Africa for the mission's benefit".
 This move paved the way for the American Board Mission and other missionary
 bodies. Thus Ordinance No. 5 of 1856 on this matter read as follows:
 The aforesaid American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
 Missions, shall and may have and hold lands, within the
 District, to all intends and purposes, as though, they were
 naturalised subjects of this District subject to such conditions
 as the Lieutenant-Governor may see fit to impose.
 It shall be lawful for the Lieutenant-Governor, with the
 advise of the Executive Council, by proclamation, to extend
 the privileges of this Ordinance to any other missionary
 A.W.Z. Kuzwayo: A History of Ethiopianism in South
 Africa. p. 36.
 ""
 D'
 Jubilee of the American Mission in Natal. p. 33.
 Smith: The Life and Times ....? p. 308.
17
 bodies62 ?
 This Ordinance took effect after 11 February 1856, and appears to have been
 regarded as the authority for nearly all grants of land for religious purposes since
 its date.
 Consequently in May 1856 Grey's plan was implemented by the Colonial
 Secretary of Natal W. C. Sergeant. For each of the twelve mission stations
 established after paying the deposit for the survey fees, grants were made of five
 hundred acres. These were soon called Mission Glebes. A Mission Glebe was an
 outright grant to the mission. Besides this grant, there was a further area or farm
 (from six to eight thousand acres, depending on the amount of land available), that
 became a reserve for occupation and use by the Christian converts. Such land was
 held in trust for the Zulu converts by a Board of Trustees consisting of the
 Secretary for Native Affairs, a Chairman, Secretary and Treasurer of the mission.
 As a rule. Glebes and Reserves went together. Within each Reserve (excepting
 lndaleni) the Glebe adjoined the Reserve or as was often the case, surrounded the
 Reserve. Reserves were always within or adjoined Black Locations, excepting the
 cases of lfafa and Indaleni 6'.
 The Reserve land was not to be sold, leased, or transferred except with the
 approval of the Lieutenant-Governor. In those Reserves allotments were made
 from lime to time to Blacks who might wish to be individually entitled to land.
 The fees for surveying those plots were handed to the Mission to help in its
 educational and other activities.
 Up 10 1890 no rents were collected in Mission Reserves except for a few store
 62 statutes of Natal 1845-1899 Vel I (Aliens Missionary
 Bodies), p. 3.
 Report of the Lands Commission, February, 1902, p. 24.
18
 sites". The rule requiring payment of rent from new tenants as a condition of
 allowing them to come on the Reserves was passed in 1888, but no rents were
 collected before 1890.5 ? At first the rent was ten shillings (about R1.00) per hut
 per annum, and later thirty shillings"". In 1904 the rental was increased to three
 pounds?7 ? In 1906 it was reduced to thirty shi1lings per hut and power was
 reserved in the regulations for reducing the rent still further in cases where it was
 considered unduly heavy6l'.
 By 1880 about 89,000 acres had been carved out of existing twelve stations of the
 American Board Mission as Mission Reserves69 ? They varied from 5,500 acres
 as at Esidumbini to 12,922 acres as at Mthwalume1?.
 It was thus to the credit of the American missionaries that the system of Mission
 Reserves was initiated. Mission ReserVes ensured that the vicinity of the Mission
 Stations was occupied by a more or less permanent population7l ? The system
 also helped to protect the rights of the Black people and to introduce them to the
 idea of land ownership72. The issue of land ownership is a matter which became
 a source of contention later73.
 Official Year Book of the Union of S.A. NO 4, 1910 
1920, p. 461.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Smith: The Life and Times .... , p. 309 ..
 7(1
 7J
 72
 73
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Khuzwayo: A History of Ethiopianism.... , p. 40.
19
 During his ten weeks visit to Natal in 1852, Bishop Colenso praised the American
 Board Mission for the contribution the Mission had made towards the
 enlightenment of the Blacks in the Colony of Natal.
 In consideration of the missionaries' help among the Blacks, Colenso assured the
 Mission Stations that whatever buildings they had erected on Mission grounds
 belonged to the Church permanently?4. This suggestion partly contributed to the
 passing of the Ordinance of 1856.
 It should be stressed, however, that Mission Stations of all denominations
 exercised a civilising influence on those Reserves especially in the 21 (later
 reduced to 17) which had converted to the white man's religion. It was with
 respect to these reserves that the Ordinance mentioned above gave the Missionaries
 special rights. In these settlements, it became clear that the percentage of children
 attending school was markedly higher than in tribal locations untouched by the
 Missionary influence. Hence it was in the Mission Reserves and Glebes that the
 seed of Christian civilisation was planted75. From these places there emerged a
 largel y detribalised Black elite, who were educated and possessed values similar to
 those of the white people76 .
 7. INDIVIDUAL TITLES ON MISSION RESERVES
 Among the main fealllres of the missionary work was the policy for the gradual
 improvement of the Black tribes. This policy aimed at their ultimate advancement
 towards the higher industrial and social position equal to that of civilised
 inhabitants. Part of this advancement was effected through the granting to the
 Blacks of written titles to the lands set apart for their use.
 74
 76
 J.W. Colenso: Ten Weeks in Natal, p. 250.
 Khuzwayo: A History of Ethiopianism.... , p. 40.
 Ibid.
20
 It would seem that even though Mission Reserves were administered along
 different lines, the issue of land ownership was approached and addressed by the
 Government in the same way as locations.
 In principle there was no objection to granting individual titles to Blacks in
 Mission Reserves. Nevertheless some white authorities did not believe that Black
 converts should automatically qualify to receive individual titles to the land they
 occupied. Rather the view held by the white authorities, also shared by Shepstone,
 was that this should be done at a later stage of their development. Lieutenant 
Governor Scon too shared the same view. He saw the difficulties which stood on
 the way of the automatic granting of titles. On this issue he argued as follows:
 An uncivilised person is not easily brought to understand the
 value of written titles; rightly to comprehend such a question
 requires an experience only obtainable by a considerable
 amount of social progress on his own part, and until he has
 acquired such an imprOVed status, no title could be given to
 him which did not contain provisions necessary to guard him
 against his own ignorance, and the superior knowledge of
 those around him. Besides, the present tribal character of
 our Natives, and their personal pursuits, render the giving of
 individual titles at this time more or less impracticablen .
 According to this view, the granting of individual titles to Blacks would be
 introduced slowly after that particular mission community had proved themselves
 fit to own land. It is also clear that the missionaries were going to play an
 important role in assessing if their black converts deserved the status of being
 land-owners.
 However. some missionaries did not adhere to this procedure. They preferred their
 converts to receive individual titles from the outset. Rev. Aldin Grout is one such
 example. In 1840 Commissioner Cloete recommended that a Mission Station be
 n Extract from Lie~tenant-GovernorScott's Speech of 3
 June, 1861, in British Parliamentary Papers (Natal)
 1852-75, p. 286.
21
 established at Umvoti. Rev. Grout offered to take charge of the station. He
 suggested that one hundred thousand acres should be set aside for twelve thousand
 Blacks and that individual titles to the land be given after twelve months
 residence]' .
 Another example of missionary endeavour to secure land for Blacks was that of
 Rev. Daniel Lindley who also belonged to the American Board. After doing
 mission work for seven years at Umzinyathi in the Inanda Reserve, he became
 dissatisfied with the future potential of agriculture in the area. The ground was
 poor and unproductive. Consequently it had no prospects of supporting the
 seventeen Christian families Rev. Lindley was ministering to. Thus he requested to
 be transferred to a new site. He made it clear that he wanted his people to get
 good land and to receive titles thereto, as the following extract indicates:
 The ground I now occupy is really worth just next to
 nothing; and is not likely, at any time within a century, to be
 valued at a higher rate ... Again? the Christian Natives are
 to receive grants for themselves and in their own names.
 Around me they could get nothing worth the surveying fees.
 Had the case been different several of my people would
 before this time have been land-holders79 .
 Consequently Grey allowed Rev. Lindley to move his converts to a new site.
 Accordingly in 1847 he relurned from his pastoral travels and settled down 10
 mission work and founded the lnanda Mission Station80. lnanda, being situated
 about 30 kilometres north west of Durban had the advantage of being more fertile
 and cooler than the old station.
 A further deciding factor influencing the granting of individual titles to Blacks
 wa~ whether or not they could grow exportable and staple products which would
 Smith: The Life and Times .... , p. 245.
 Quoted by Smith in The Life and Times .... , p. 245.
 '" E. Brookes: A century of Missions in Natal and
 Zululand, p. 7.
22
 contribute to the commercial importance of the colony. In 1859 Lieutenant 
Governor Scott highlighted the effect the commercial agriculture would have on
 the Blacks. He pointed out that by the cultivation of cotton or any of the many
 valuable staples suited to the climate, the Government would give to the black man
 an industrial pursuit which would awake in him a permanent interest in the soil, fit
 him to receive an independent title to the land he cultivates; and thus create in
 him, not only higher principles of Government, but also set in motion strong
 elements of civilisation".
 To meet the suggestions made by the governor, Rev. Grout again set the example
 by encouraging his followers to grow sugar cane because he hoped that it would
 become a profitable husiness. Consequently while on his visit to Natal in 1856
 Grey visited Umvoti Station and supported Rev. Grout's plans to promote
 civilisation among the black people82 ? Grey ordered that a sugar mill be built. At
 that time, it was regarded as a first class sugar mill, having cost the Government
 some 9 ()()() pounds'?'.
 1t should be noted, however, that the suggestions made by Grout, Lindley and
 Governor Scott with regard to individual titles were effected only to some mission
 reserves during the years 1865-1868. In the 12 mission reserves of the American
 Board. it was not until 1933 that certificates of land ownership were issued to all
 black residents.
 By 1905, 17 Mission Stations had become Mission Reserves this number having
 dropped from 21 since 188214 ? In 1913 two more Mission Reserves were
 " Extract from Lieutenant-Governor Scott's Speech to the
 Legislative Council on 26 April 1859. Natal Blue Book
 on Native Affairs 1845-1860, p. 95.
 Jubilee of the American Mission in Natal, p. 34.
 Ibid.
 E. Brookes and N. Hurwitz:
 Natal, p. 10.
 The Native Reserves of
23
 established to make 19 and this number remained unchanged until 19538s ? This
 fluctuation is said to have been caused partly by the fixing of boundaries and
 more accurate surveys".
 From the above discussion it is clear that the question of individual titles for land
 occupied by Blacks on mission stations did not rest on a firm policy that applied in
 the same way in all Mission Stations. The next chapters deal specifically with
 developments at Umlazi Mission. This question is discussed to show how it
 contributed to dissatisfaction and disputes on the mission station.
 8. THE MISSION RESERVES ACT (1895 AND 1903)
 Prior to 1895 the general administration of the Mission Reserves was left in the
 hands of the missionary bodies controlling the particular glebes to which each of
 such Reserves was attached. Apparently no effective control was exercised by the
 missionaries and in course of time the conditions obtaining in these reserves
 deleriorated. Thus il became necessary to consider the introduction of new
 melhods 10 control Ihem. To this end, Act NO.25 of 1895 was formulated
 ac""rding 10 which th~ Governor in Council was empowered to make rules from
 tim~ tll time by which he could regulate the use and occupation of Mission
 Reserves. Such rules dealt with almost every aspect of life of the Mission Reserve
 such as the followi ng:
 I.
 11.
 Ill.
 IV.
 v.
 '"
 The registration of residents of the Mission Reserves.
 The annual contribution by Black adult males of the reserve.
 The admission 10 and removal of Black tenants from the Mission Reserve.
 The sale and hire of land.
 The appropriation of land for agriculture, grazing and other purposes.
24
 Vl. The building of roads and schools on the reserve.
 vu. The preservation of health and the maintenance of order87.
 Before 1895 the Secretary for Native Affairs had been trustee under the deeds of
 grant of Mission reserve lands. But from 1895 the Natal Native Trust was
 appointed as trustees under the Grants of Mission Reserve lands. The Natal
 Native Trust was responsible to the Governor-in-Council who, according to this
 Act, could "from time to time appoint and remove trustee of lands set apart as
 Mission Reserves"8?.
 The 1895 Act also demanded conformity by members to Church rules and
 prohibited acts of behaviour in conflict with the Church doctrines of that particular
 denomination'". Such unacceptable behaviour was, for instance, polygamy, inter 
tribal fights, the drinking of wines, spirits, malt liquor or Zulu beer90?
 Members of a Mission Reserve were given a measure of local government in the
 running of the affairs of the reserve as circumstances arose.
 The atal Native Trust could decide on matters such as the sale, appropriation and
 hire of land for purposes of agriculture and grazing commonage. The Trust also
 had to deal with matters relating to education, the building of roads, the use of
 water and timber and similar matters.
 However, the provisions of Act No. 25 of 1895 left much to be desired. Five
 .7 Acts of the Parliament of Natal, Act NO. 25, 1895,
 Section 1 p . 62.
 ?? Acts of the Parliament of Natal, Act NO 25, 1895,
 Section 5, p . 63.
 ?? Acts of the Parliament of Natal, Act NO 25, 1895,
 Section 8, p . 63.
 .., Acts of the Parliament of Natal, Act NO 25, 1895,
 Section 9, p. 63.
25
 years later at the close of the century, a Commission was appointed to reconsider
 the question. This was done because of the difficulties that had arisen in regard to
 the control and employment of the Mission Reserves". After the various
 missionary bodies consulted had expressed their views, the Mission Reserves Act
 No 49 of 1903 was created. Its provisions were substantially in agreement with
 the views of the missionaries.
 Among other things, the Governor-in-Council was authorised to exercise powers
 of defining boundaries of lands occupied by Blacks in Mission Reserves just as it
 was the case in black Locations.
 Act NO 49 of 1903 however did not deprive the missionary of his powers in the
 administration of the Reserve under his charge. The Act made provision to the
 effect that hal f of all rents and other monies would be paid by the Natal Native
 Trust to the missionary body named in the Deed of Grant of the Reserve. This
 money would be used for educational purposes. The other half could be used by
 the Natal Native Trust for any other purpose which in the opinion of the Trust was
 to the benefit of the Mission Reserve.
 For the purpose of this study it is important to consider the provisions of Sections
 5 and 0 of the Act concerning the use and administration of Reserves. Section 5
 read as follows:
 The Mission reserves shall be kept for occupation solely by
 Natives ... and the reserves shall be administered for the
 benefit of the ative living thereon according to the intention
 of several deeds by which the Reserves have been ranted92 ?
 Section 6 endorses this rule as follows:
 o person. society or body other than the ecclesiastical or
 missionary body named in the deed of grant, shall be
 Acts of the Parliament of Natal, Act NO 49, 1903,
 section 4, p. 155 .
 .
 Acts of the Parliament of Natal, Act NO 49, 1903,
 Section 5, p. 155.
26
 allowed to establish any Mission or undertake religious or
 educational work93 ?
 The Act, however, made room for exceptions from the above rule by empowering
 the Natal Native Trust to give the right of temporary and conditional occupation of
 store sites, as well as prospecting and mining right where such right would not
 interfere with the rights and well being of the black residents and the missionary
 body in charge"'.
 It should be kept in mind that the Act just quoted provided that the Mission
 Reserve would be kept for occupation solely by Blacks for whose benefit they
 would be administered. The right to undertake religious or educational work on a
 Mission Reserve was entrusted to a missionary body named in the deed of grant.
 This legislation made the missionary and the Blacks the only two parties legally
 entitled to live on a Mission Reserve. The missionary was a spiritual leader and a
 kind of landlord over the Church lands while the Blacks remained the tenants in
 the Reserve on a permanent basis (subject to good behaviour and the maintenance
 of Christian standards).
 In the case of Umlazi Mission Reserve these conditions became crucial points on
 which future debate was based. After the passing of the Act reference was always
 made to these points whenever applications by members of other races other than
 Blacks were received.
 The Mission Reserve Act was based on the original deed of grant. Therefore it
 became the corner-stone upon which all future decisions concerning the occupation
 and future development of Umlazi Mission were based.
27
 9. CONCLUSION
 This chapter has traced the origin of Black Locations, Mission Glebes and
 Reserves in Colonial Natal. It has shown that Black Locations, Mission Stations
 and Reserves were the chief areas for Black occupation. However though many of
 the Reserves were situated within Locations, Locations and Mission Stations were
 two distinct areas in the sense that they were administered differently. Besides,
 the communities of the two areas differed in character. Whereas Mission Reserves
 were composed of largely detribalised, Christian and progressive communities,
 Locations were inhabited by largely traditional or tribal communities.
 It also emerges from the chapter that according to the Acts of 1895 and 1903,
 Mission Reserves were legally placed in the hands of various church bodies for the
 benetit of Blacks. In these areas the Blacks could enjoy the right of land
 ownership on an individual basis, a privilege denied to Blacks who lived in
 Locations. However, from the testimony provided in this chapter, the right to own
 land was not automatically granted to Blacks residing in every Mission Reserve.
 Government policy was erratic in this regard. Much depended on the missionary's
 initiative to get legal documents for lands occupied by his converts. Even then
 their requests were not given immediate attention.
 It will become clear in the course of this study that this shaky land policy of the
 British Government was to prove to be at the detriment of Umlazi Mission
 Reserve where no effort was made by either the Government or the Anglican
 missionaries to assist residents to get individual titles for the land they occupied.
27a
 Fig. 1 First Black Reserves (Locations) In Natal Colony - CA 1847.
 Location
 or
 Reserve.
 PORTUGUESE
 TERRITORY
 Umdloti
 Umngeni
 Durban
 Umlazi
 ZULULAND
 \
 \ SWAZILAND
 \
 '-
 -- -
 TRANSVAAL
 ORANGE
 FREE
 STATE
 Source' E. Snith ? The Lit. and rmo. of DanioIlildoy. Orawn .. The Oopt. of Geography. 3/1993.
28
 CHAPTER 2
 THE FOUNDING OF UMLAZI MISSION STATION AND SUBSEQUENT
 LAND QUESTIONS, 1856 - 1910
 I. INTRODUCTION
 This chapter deals with the history of UmJazi Mission from 1856 to the end of the
 British Colonial rule in Natal in 1910. Focus is on the founding of the mission
 station and the growth of the area since its establishment.
 The discussion aims to show that this period of British colonial rule faced mostly
 land related prohlems. These problems arose from :
 white settlement in the neighbourhood of Umlazi;
 bureaucracy in Government as well as in the Anglican
 Church; the boundary question; the unresolved problem
 concerning the legalisation of individual black titlements to
 land ownership in the Mission Reserve; white commercial
 interests in the mission station and the schism which split
 the Anglican church into two hostile camps. As is shown in
 the chapter. all the above-mentioned issues combined to
 contribute towards making Umlazi Mission a territory of
 disputes and controversy.
 2. MISSIO ARY ACTIVITY IN UMLAZI AREA BEFORE 1856
 Umlazi area became popular for religious purposes about two decades before the
 Anglican Mission Station was formerly established in 1856.
 The American Board missionaries who were zealous to expand their work,
 especially along the coastal belt of Natal, paved the way for mission work since
 1836. By 1836. there were British and a few Dutch settlers at Port Natal with
 some form of local government.
 In December 1835 the AmeriCan Board missionaries, namely, Newton Adarns,
 Aldm Grout and Cieorge Champion sailing from Port Elizabeth, landed at Port
29
 Natal and met the British and Boer settlers from whom they received valuable
 assistance in preparing their journey to Dingane's capital.
 On 18 January 1836 missionaries visited the Zulu King at his capital,
 Umgungundlovu to negotiate with the Zulu monarch for land on which they could
 do their mission work. Dingane received them with kindness. But it is said that
 the King's three great councillors advised him to be cautious:s Consequently it
 was arranged that for the present they should make their headquarters in the
 neighbourhood of the bay in Port Natal.96
 At Port Natal George Champion was allowed to select a site for a station. His
 request for land on the Umlazi River was subsequently granted to him on the 12
 March 1836 by the Town Committee of Durban. 97 Thus whilst Dr Adams and
 Mr Grout were away to collect their wives in Port Elizabeth (Mrs Grout died after
 an illness on 24 February, 1836), Mr Champion had commenced a station with the
 help of the Zulu's9~
 It should be noted that even before the fall of Dingane in 1838, a number of Zulus
 had started to flee from his tyranny and sought refuge and work from Whites at
 Port Natal.
 It was therefore to this community of Zulus that mission work was to be done.
 Explaining why mission work became fairly successful at Port Natal, Dr Kotze
 points out as follows:
 In Zoeloeland het die Zoeloes onder die despotisme van
 Dingaan gestaan; by Port Natal was daar geen
 noemenswaardige despotiese magte wat hulle aan bande gele
 "5
 ..
 Jubilee of the American Mission in Natal, p. 20 .
 Ibid. p. 21.
 E. Smith: The Life and Times of Daniel Lindley, p.
 127.
 Jubilee of the American Mission in Natal, p. 22.
30
 het nie en kon hulle ongestoord die ere dienste bywoon en
 ongestoord ook hul kinders laat skoolgaan.99
 After their second arrival Dingane sent for the missionaries and gave them
 permission to commence a station right in Zululand. Mr Champion, who was
 conversant with the Zulu language was assigned to this post. Or Adarns was
 placed at Umlazi River ten miles from the Port. 100 Mr Grout would labour at
 either of these two stations.
 At Umlazi near the Port. Dr Adams preached on the Sabbath to a congregation of
 about four hundred Zulus and some white settlers who attended services regularly.
 At this time Daniel Lindley, another American missionary who was also to carry
 out mission work at Umlazi built a new Mission Station at Imfume about 20
 kilometres south of Umlazi River.'OI
 Thus on the ground that the first Mission Station was situated ten miles from Port
 Natal and on lJmlazi River, it can be seen that it is the American missionaries
 who pioneered the occupation of the site on which the Anglicans established their
 Mission Station about twenty years later.
 In July 1840. after the defeat of Dingane and the establishment of the Voortrekker
 Republic in Natal, Rev. Newton Adams and Rev. Daniel Lindley reported to their
 Board that the Government (Volksraad) had granted a tract of land around UmJazi
 near Port Natal. This land, which was about four mile square, was granted to the
 missionaries to settle Blacks there for mission work. 100 Accordingly on 30
 D.J. Kotze: Amerikaanse Sendelinge Onder Die Zoeloes
 (Archives Yearbook of South African History, 1958,
 Part Il, p.133.
 u.'
 IUJ
 Ill:?
 Smith: The Life and Times ... p. 127.
 Ibid. p. 167.
31
 September the Volksraad confinned this grant. loo
 The record of these events sh01l6that the area close to Umlazi River had become a
 popular area for mission work long before the Anglicans took interest in it.
 However, it was the work of Rev. Robertson, the Anglican Church missionary,
 that was to start a new Mission Station which developed into what became called
 Umlazi Mission Station and Reserve a few years later.
 3. THE FOUNDING OF UMLAZI MISSION STATION BY REV. ROBERTSON
 (1856)
 On 18 February, 1861, following the terms of Ordinance No 5 of 1856 described
 earlier, William Williamson, Major, Acting Lieutenant-Governor of Natal, made a
 grant of 476 acre, one rood and 32 perches of land 104 to the Anglican Mission in
 Natal for the purpose of starting a mission station. I05 Accordingly Umlazi
 Mission Station was started by Rev. Robertson and his wife Hendrietta. Rev.
 Robertson had started mission work at Umkhomazi station where he learnt
 Zulu. I"" From there he transferred to Ekukhanyeni Mission Station, near
 Pietermaritzburg, where he served as Bishop Colenso's deacon since 1853. In
 1856 he became independent of Colenso and was posted at Umlazi to start a new
 Ibid.
 According to the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary
 of Current English, an acre is a measure of land of
 about 4000 square metres; a rood is a quarter of an
 acre, (i.e. 1000 square metres) and a perch is 5 1/2
 yards and if it is a square perch, it is equal to 30
 and a 1/4 square yards. It is noteworthy that in the
 case of Umlazi Mission some missionaries and authors
 preferred to use a round figure of 500 acres, which
 was the normal size of mission glebes.
 The Anglican Master Mission was first at Umkhomazi
 Drift, but on his arrival in 1852, Colenso,
 dissatisfied with the progress there, transferred it
 to a place near the capital (Pietermaritzburg) which
 became the centre of the Diocese.
 106
32
 station there. From this information it can be deduced that the mission station at
 Umlazi was actually started some five years before the official grant was made.
 At UmJazi Rev. Robertson worked under the Super-intendence of Arch-Deacon,
 afterwards Bishop Mackenzie. '07 The Mission Station was founded upon the
 summit of a hill overlooking UmJazi River about ten miles south of Durban.'08
 This area was chiefly occupied by the Cele and Nyuswa tribes. It seems this was
 an attractive spot. Mackenzie too spoke of it approvingly as follows:
 It was a very good situation as regards beauty fertility of soil
 and the number of Kaffu KraaJs in the immediate
 vicinity. "'"
 The Mission station was named "Ekufundisweni", which means a place of
 teaching. But as this word was difficult to pronounce, the station became much
 better known as Umlazi Church Mission Station because it was situated next to
 the Umlazi River. IIU
 The congregation grew steadily under Rev. Robertson. It is said that on the
 evening of Christmas day (1856), a feast was held at which 400 black converts
 were present. On the same occasion eight baptisms, chiefly of children of
 Christian couples, were conducted. III
 The Robertsons did not limit their work to evangelization. They taught the people
 beHer ways of tilling the soil and growing a variety of crops. Amongst the crops
 1t17
 'll<
 ""
 IIIJ
 III
 A. Mackenz ie (ed.): The Net Cast In Many Waters,
 p. 24.
 Ibid.
 A. Mackenzie (ed.): Mission Life Among the Zulu
 Kaffirs, p. 10.
 B. Burnett: The Anglicans in Natal, p. 52.
33
 introduced by the missionary were sweet potatoes, mealies and fruits such as
 bananas and pineapples. These could be grown for domestic consumption and
 even for commercial purposes.
 In October 1858 the Lieutenant-Governor acceded to the request of the Anglican
 Church that a sum of 502 lirell2 per annum be granted out of monies reserved
 for the purpose of supporting the industrial training of Blacks at UmIazi Mission
 Station.'" The manner in which this money was to be used would be reflected in
 half yearly returns that would have to be furnished to the Office of the Secretary
 for Native Affairs.
 In the same year Robertson desired to commence the growing of cotton in his
 station. He was supported in this ambition because in 1858 the
 Lieutenant-Governor sanctioned a grant to him of 20 lire to enable him to defray
 whatever expenses he considered necessary at the commencement of the
 undertaking. ""
 By 1859 Umlazi Mission Station had grown into a small village of wattle and daub
 buildings. liS In their mission work the Robertsons were assisted by a Mr
 Sallluelson who was a catechist and an expert linguist and carpenter. Another
 111 A "lira" is another word
 currency. The plural lire.
 to refer to a unit of money.
 for pound in British
 In Italy it is also used
 ILl
 11:;
 Letter of Sir Shepstone (S.N.A) directed to the Right
 Rev. The Lord Bishop of Natal, British Parliamentary
 Papers, (Natal) Vol. 29. p. 226.
 Ibid.
 This type of building was typical on the Eastern Cape
 Frontier and Natal Coastal belt during those years.
 Although only temporary structures they were cheap to
 build and suitable for the hot?climate in these areas.
 Often the accommodation of British troops consisted of
 these wattle and daub structures at the various
 military outposts.
34
 catechist who assisted him was a Zulu, Usajabula. \16
 Robenson did not stay long at Umlazi Mission. Later in 1859, just as the number
 of converts began to increase on the Mission Station, and before he could see the
 outcome of his agricultural efforts, his new Bishop, Bishop Macrorie, called him
 to establish a mission station at Kwa-Magwaza, near Melmoth in Zululand. 1l1
 The Robensons were very sad to leave Umlazi Mission. But their pain was
 somewhat lessened by the desire expressed by so many of their Black converts to
 accompany them to their new home.
 The instant desire of the Umlazi converts to move to Zululand provided a striking
 proof of the love and confidence the Robensons had inspired among the converts
 at Umlazi Mission. Short though their stay at Umlazi had been, they seem to
 have laid the foundation for future mission work. Besides, several of their people
 were refugees obliged to tlee from their own country where they would have been
 executed had they remained. 118
 4. THE CREATION OF UMLAZI MISSION RESERVE
 Arch-Bishop Grabbe succeeded Rev. Robertson at UmIazi. In turn Grabbe's term
 of oftlce lasted until 1861. An important development in 1861 was the granting of
 additional land to Ullllazi Mission Station which became known as Umlazi Mission
 Reserve. This grant was made by John Scott, Lieutenant Governor of the Colony
 of Natal. Sir Theophilus Shepstone, in his capacity as Secretary for Native Affairs,
 signed the undertaking on behalf of Right Reverend John William Colenso,
 110
 117
 Burnett
 Ibid.
 The Anglicans .... , p. 54.
 11> A MacKenzie (ed.):
 Kaffirs, p. 60.
 Mission Life Among the Zulu
35
 Bishop of Natal.'" Colenso was abroad at the time.
 The Umlazi Mission Reserve was bounded in the North by the Umlazi River, on
 the South by the Isipingo River, on the East by R. King's Farm and in the West
 by Lot B8 situated between the Umlazi and Umkhomazi120 (See Map). It
 contained 7521 acres, 2 roods and 18 perchesY'
 As stated earlier, this measure was found to be convenient for the missionary
 cause. since the Church would have a permanent Black population to evangelize.
 This was explicitly stated in the Deed of Grant of Umlazi as the following extract
 indicates:
 ... it is expedient that certain lands adjacent to the said
 station, and containing approximately 7521 acres the same
 more or less, should be granted to Trustees in Trust for.
 Natives, with the intent and object that the said lands may be
 occupied and inhabited by Natives, in order that the said
 Church of England in Natal may have a fixed population to
 labour among as missionaries without let or hindrance, upon
 certain conditions hereby imposed, and hereafter set forth
 and declared.12!
 Against the foregoing background, it is timely to put on record the fact that
 the actual establishment of Umlazi Mission Reserve did not take place until
 1862 when the Deed of Grant was officially issued.
 110 State Archives, Pretoria, N.T.S. 915/56, Umlazi
 Mission Reserve Evidence.
 1211 Ibid.
 121 Ibid.
 121 State Archives, - Pretoria, N.T.S. 915/56, Umlazi
 Mission Reserve Evidence.
36
 5. WHITE SETTLEMENT AND REV. BAUGH'S ATTEMPTS TO PROTECf
 AND PRESERVE UMLAZI MISSION STATION
 In 1862 Rev. Waiter and Mrs Baugh became the next missionaries at UmIazi
 Mission. Since the departure of the Robertsons, the development of UmIazi
 stagnated. 123
 The recently ordained Rev. Baugh struggled despite ill-health, to keep the Mission
 alive at Umlazi. Two factors caused hardships for Rev Baugh in his missionary
 work. Firstly, the departure of several converts, when Rev Robertson left for
 Zululand, retarded prosperity on the mission. 124 Secondly, the influx of white
 farmers into the fertile farms surrounding Umlazi for the purpose of growing
 sugar cane and arrowroot, caused Blacks to move because they resented the
 proximity of white farmers in the neighbourhood. m In this way the influx of
 wh ite farmers caused many Blacks to move to the Enwabi district about eight
 miles distant west of the old station. Enwabi was one of the places where Mr
 Robertson held frequent occasional services. 12?
 The exodus of the Blacks of Umlazi Mission Station to Enwabi compelled the
 missionary to follow them. Rev. Baugh then prepared to build an outstation there,
 without entirely giving up Umlazi. 127 This state of affairs almost led to the
 collapse of Umlazi Mission Station. The temporary buildings at that place which
 had heen put up hy Rev. Robertson nearly ten years earlier, were almost in decay.
 BUI experience had taught Mr Baugh that he must move with his people. He
 12.1
 11..1.
 12:\
 121\
 127
 Burnett: The Anglicans .... , p. 54.
 B. Burnett: The Missionary Work of the First Anglican
 Bishop of Natal, The Rt. Rev. John William Colenso DD
 Between the Years 1852-1873. M.A. Thesis 1947 p. 79.
 A. MacKenzie (ed.): The Net Cast in Many Waters, p.
 129.
 Ibid.
37
 therefore abstained from spending money on substantial buildings.128
 As a result of the deterioration of Umlazi Mission, there is reason to believe that
 in 1864, the Metropolitan of Cape Town proposed to close down the Mission
 Station. Records reveal that Rev. Baugh did his best to convince his superior not
 to do so. In a letter to the Metropolitan, Bishop Gr ~y, in May 6, 1864, Rev
 Baugh explained in some detail all the problems arising from white settlement near
 the Mission Station. no
 Baugh pointed out that UmJazi Mission was close to the outspanning place on the
 main road to Umkhomazi and was in close proximity to the sugar plantations on
 the Umlazi Valley. In consequence of white families settling in the neighbourhood
 and engaging largely in agricultural pursuits and cultivating plantations of sugar
 cane, the Blacks gradually removed either into the interior or beyond Umkhomazi
 where a part of their tribe was settled. This was largely because the Blacks feared
 that the Whites would interfere with their gardens and that their own cattle could
 be impounded for trespassing in the fields and plantations of the Whites. 130
 The increased traffic on the main road also brought trouble and annoyance to the
 people residing around the Mission Station. The cause of the people's grievance
 was the great number of cattle that were constantly at large and allowed to stray
 into the gardens of the Blacks. 131
 In spite of these difficulties Rev. Baugh did not recommend that UmJazi Mission
 Station be totally abandoned. For various reasons Rev. Baugh placed much value
 12l(
 13.
 Ibid. p. 129-130.
 witwatersrand University, Anglican Church Archives, BA
 14, Reports on Natal stations: Rev. Baugh - The Lord
 Bishop of Cape Town, Metropolitan of South Africa, 6
 May 1864, unnumbered.
38
 on the Mission. One reason was that the station already contained a burial place.
 A second reason was that a dwelling place had also been erected in consideration
 of a residence for the Missionary. There were other adjoining buildings too. In the
 black village there were four two-roomed cottages and other temporary structures.
 Rev. Baugh maintained that as long as these cottages were not occupied, they were
 likely to be occupied by labouring Blacks engaged in the sugar cane estates. Rev.
 Baugh pointed out there were many Blacks who applied for this accommodation.
 However, most of the applicants were migratory labourers, many of whom came
 from beyond the boundary of the Colony.132 From the religious point of view,
 Rev. Baugh explained that in spite of their unstable existence, these people still
 needed to be ministered to even if their term of residence was for a few months.
 In addition most of the christianised people came from other mission stations and
 greatly desired to attend church services. It was for their sake and that of Blacks
 who might choose to live on the Mission Station that Rev. Baugh desired that
 Umlazi Mission be preserved so that weekly services might be conducted
 there. m
 Another important factor Rev. Baugh mentioned in support of his point was that
 the Anglican Church was raising some revenue from its land by the sale of wood
 which was cut and conveyed off the Mission Reserve. An annual rental was also
 levied from the hire of Church lands at a rate upwards of ?100 per annum.
 About 350 acres had been leased for 12 months at the annual rental of seven
 shillings per acre. this being the matter negotiated by Shepstone with the
 planters. These 'Ollrces of income, Rev. Baugh suggested, could be applied to aid
 the work at the Ul11lazi Mission, thus relieving the missionary of much
 difticulty. ,:14
 13:' Ibid.
 rH Ibid.
 I." Ibid.
39
 It seems that although there was no written response to Rev. Baugh's letter, his
 recommendations were accepted since Urnlazi Mission Station was not at any stage
 closed down in spite of many hardships it faced at this time and even after.
 6. MISSION WORK AT ENWABI OUTSTATION
 Evangelism continued at Umlazi Mission Station in spite of the problems discussed
 above. Nevertheless circumstances forced Rev. Baugh to pay more attention to
 the Enwabi outstation.
 The correspondence of the Baugh's shows that missionary work at Enwabi under
 Baugh was a success comparable to that at Umlazi under Robertson. Letters from
 Umlazi contained cheering accounts of the work at Enwabi. Rev. Baugh, thus
 wrote on 3 January 1867 as follows:
 The heathen KraaI Natives rally round us here. Our Church
 is full, Sunday after Sunday, yea, more than full sometimes.
 The attendance of day pupils is increasing, and our influence
 for good. I observe, is on the increase day after day. 135
 Besides preaching the gospel to Blacks, Rev. Baugh, like Rev. Robertson, also
 taught agriculture to the converts in the outstation. In his letter he further points
 out the following:
 We have quite the show of an establishment now, and our
 newly tilled land would convey the idea that our station is
 the settlement of a newly-arrived European farmer emigrant.
 We have now oxen, cart, plough, harrows etc. l36
 Th.: increase in [he number of converts and the agricultural effort do not in any
 wa) mean that Rev. Baugh was without difficulties. His main problem was lack
 of funds. This was largely because he had used up all the funds in building the
 ew Church. He had under his purse strings a sum of ?150 being the remains of
 Extract of letter of 3 January 1867 quoted in A.
 MacKenzie (ed.) - The Net Cast in Many Waters, pp.
 134-135.
 n"
a Government grant of ?50 a year for industrial purposes. 137 Although this grant
 was withdrawn, a grant of ?24 a year was made in its stead to cater for school
 requirements. m For this reason Rev. Baugh appealed to Christian people to
 assist his mission station with money and other contributions in kind to meet
 general purposes. nq
 It has been shown in this section that the departure of Rev. Robertson and the
 arrival of Whites in the neighbourhood of Umlazi, placed the future of the mission
 at stake. However, Rev. Baugh's courage and determination to preserve the
 mission helped the mission station to survive. The proximity of Enwabi outpost
 also helped to maintain evangelism to the same Christian community which Rev.
 Robertson had served. In this way evangelism in the area did not die.
 Besides Enwabi there was another Anglican outstation called Umgabi Mission
 Station. According to the evidence supplied by Bishop Colenso's daughter, Miss
 Harriette Emily Colenso (who was also a missionary) to the Lands Commission of
 1900. it was not quite clear if Umgabi Mission Station was on the Umlazi Mission
 Gran!. 1411 The Enwabi outstation lay on the edge of the mission land and the
 Government Location land (i.e. UmJazi Location). This position was so only
 because the missionaries had shifted from one side of it to another side to put
 their buildings there. 141 This aspect is related to the boundary problem being
 discussed in this chapter.
 137
 14"
 141
 Ibid. p. 130.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Evidence to the Land Commission 1900, p. 22.
 Ibid, p. 27.
41
 7. BUREAUCRACY AND ITS EFFECTS ON UMLAZI
 Some of the land problems at Umlazi Mission during this period emanated from
 the manner in which Black areas were managed. The nature of the administrative
 machinery for running Black locations and Mission Reserves gave powers to
 several officials in the government and the Churches over these areas.
 The order of government officials was hierarchically arranged as follows:
 Secretary for Colonies, Governor or Lieutenant Governor, Secretary for Native
 Affairs, Resident Magistrate, Surveyor-General and Supervisor of Locations and
 Mission Reserves. The Anglican Church too was institutionally controlled by
 several authorities, namely, the Metropolitan in Cape Town, the Bishop of Natal,
 the Board of Curators and the Missionaries. At local level there was also the tribal
 chief. Each of these officials had a part to play in decision making.
 This bureaucracy worked to the detriment of the sound administration of Black
 Locations and Mission Reserves. The redress of any issues relating to the affairs
 of Umlazi Mission Station necessitated circulation of correspondence to various
 ofticials involved. Often this procedure would entail unnecessary duplication of the
 exercise of power. Delays resulted but sometimes a clash of opinions could not be
 avoided. At times there were even deadlocks.
 The clash of opinions among authorities can be illustrated by the account of what
 took place when two Blacks had to be evicted from Umlazi Mission Reserve. In
 1897 Father Augustine Robinson, Missionary in charge of UmIazi Mission
 Reserve, submitted a letter to the Secretary for Native Affairs. 142 In that letter
 he requested that two Blacks, Jeremiah Biyela and Jim Makovela be removed from
 Umlazi Mission Reserve for various cases of misconduct. Reasons were supplied
 in detail. The Board of Curators unanimously supported the request and also
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 1/1/243, Letters Received: Robinson - Secretary for
 Native Affairs, 28 April 1897.
42
 wrote to the Secretary for Native Affairs on 28 April 1897"'3 However, the
 Secretary for Native Affairs could not find convincing evidence to justify
 removing the two Blacks from the Mission Reserve. Nevertheless he referred the
 matter to the Magistrate, Umlazi Division.'"
 The impasse created by the Biyela-Makovela case reflects the problems that were
 involved in the administration of Mission Reserves and in particular Umlazi
 Mission Reserve. Perhaps Mr Samuel Olaf Samuelson J.P., Under Secretary, was
 justified to have said the following words:
 At the present time neither the government nor the
 Missionaries have the requisite power to properly control the
 Natives on the Mission Reserves. There is no proper control.
 The Missionary has not a landlord's right and powers, nor
 has the Government. Full lay control should be possessed by
 the Government. There should be no dual control. 145
 Maladministration in Umlazi Mission Reserve also manifested itself in the
 issue connected with the boundary problem.
 8. THE BOUNDARY PROBLEM
 As has been pointed out, when Umlazi Mission Station was founded in 1856 it was
 granred a glebe of 476 acres. As mentioned the station was extended and granted
 a Mission Reserve of 7,521 acres in 1862. However, it soon became apparent that
 the boundary of the Reserve was not clear as shown by the evidence supplied by
 Miss Colenso. It was not clear if the three stations, that is, Umlazi Mission,
 Enwahi and Umgabhi were actually on the Mission Reserve or not. This
 uncertainty points to the lack of precision about the boundaries of the Mission
 14'
 14.1
 145
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 1/1/243, Letters Reserved: Secretary for Native
 Affairs - Board of Curators, 2~ April 1897.
 S.O. Samuelson, Report of the Lands Commission 1900,
 p. 11.
43
 Reserve. This problem remained unsolved for some time.
 The main problem that arose was to point out the boundary line between the
 Mission Reserve and the Location. This problem presented difficulties for
 missionaries who could not control the movement and settlement of Blacks in the
 area. Act No. 40 of 1896 served as a guideline to define the boundaries of Black
 Locations and Mission Reserves. Section 6 of this Act read as follows:
 All Natives shall be deemed to be under the chief on whose
 side of the boundary they may reside; provided that when
 any boundary may separate a Native from his own tribe or
 chief, such Native may, with the consent required for usual
 removals, remove to the other side of the boundary within
 two years from the date of such boundary being defined, and
 if he shall not so remove within such period he shall, after
 the expiry thereof, be deemed to remain under the chief on
 whose side of the boundary he may reside. 146
 Section 7 of the Act clarified the position of boundaries between Mission Reserves
 and Locations. It read as follows:
 The Governor in Council may require the Trustees of any
 Mission Reserve Lands to lay down thereon boundaries in
 continuation of boundaries on contiguous locations, and the
 atives on reserved Mission land shall be bound by a
 boundary thereon in the same way as a Location Native is
 hereby made subject to a location boundary.'47
 Section 8 of the Act made it clear that failure to observe this law was a violation
 of the Act. It stated :
 Every ative disregarding any boundary defined under this
 Act, or crossing over any such boundary and settling upon
 an unauthorized side thereof, shall be deemed guilty of a
 contravention of this Act.?41
 IJh Section 6 of Law No. 40 of 1896 in statutes of the
 Colony of Natal, 1845-1899, p. 45.
 1~7 Section 7 of Law No. 40 of 1896 in statutes of the
 Colony of Natal, 1845-1899, p. ?46.
 14' Section 8 of Law No. 40 of 1896 in statutes of the
 Colony of Natal, 1845-1899, p. 46.
44
 Had these measures been strictly enforced and observed, the boundary problems
 that existed at Umlazi Mission Station would have been overcome. Unfortunately
 for UmJazi Mission the law was not adhered to. This is seen in a letter of 1897
 directed to F.R. Moor, Secretary of the Native Trust, Pietermaritzburg, by the
 Board of Curators. In this letter the Curators requested to send a Surveyor-General
 to point out to them the boundary line between the Umlazi Mission Reserve and
 the black location. Miller, on behalf of the Curators wrote:
 I am informed that the Boundary line has never been laid off
 in terms of the regulations under which the Reserve and
 Location were laid down. 149
 He further explained the problem resulting from the uncertainty of boundaries as
 follows:
 At the present moment the Natives are cutting wagon and
 fi rewood from the Bush near the supposed Boundary line and
 we are not in a position to protect the Bush from destruction
 until our Boundary is defined. 150
 Not only did non-resident Blacks fell timber but the Board of Curators also
 reported that several Blacks from the ?East Coast had squatted on the Mission
 Reserve.
 However, the Natal Native Trust did not seem to take this matter seriously. They
 replied expressing reluctance to deal with the matter as requested. The answer
 contained the following words:
 The Natal Natives Trust is not prepared to instruct the
 Survey Department to define the boundary line between the
 Umlazi Mission Reserve and Location, or to bear any
 expense in connection with the laying down of such lineY'
 '4'
 1511
 151
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 1/1/243 Letters Received: Miller-Moor, 19 March 1897,
 unnumbered.
 Ibid.
45
 Studying the above arguments it would seem as though the Natal Natives Trust did
 not always act in the interest of Umlazi Mission Reserve and its people. This
 attitude also manifested itself in the manner in which the land issue was handled
 especially in the years 1865-1910.
 9. THE PROBLEM OF LAND OWNERSHIP
 As explained earlier, the mission stations and Mission Reserve were granted trust
 land when they were formed. There was a separate trust for each tribe. During
 the passage of ti me missionaries could decide whether their converts by their
 industrious habits were fit to own the land on a freehold basis. This arrangement
 was according to Shepstone's principle of 'gradualism' mentioned already.
 This position however, changed in 1864. According to the Letter Patent of 27
 April of that year, a Natal Native Trust was appointed and consequently most of
 the original principles were put aside. ls2 A general title to all locations and
 Mission Reserves (2,262,066 and 144,192 acres respectively) was issued to the
 Executive Council of the Colony of Natal in trustY'
 There was no provision for the allocation of the location lands to families or
 individuals."'"
 In spite of this general rule and tight restrictions some missionaries especially
 those of the American Board, as previously indicated, went ahead to recommend
 their converts be granted individual tenure in respect of the land they occupied.
 Thus between 1866 and 1868 the granting of individual titles was in full swing. A
 large number of such freehold grants had been made at Umvoti as well. A long
 list of those Blacks residing at Umthwalume and Ifafa who wished to have
 1.'11
 154
 E. Brookes and N. Hurwitz
 p.9.
 Ibid.
 Native Reserves in Natal,
46
 individual titles was presented to the American Board. m In the case of Umvoti
 Mission Reserve, approximately 3,000 acres was in this way allocated to
 individual Blacks, in extent about 15 acres and under. 156
 In the Amanzintoti, Imfume, and Ifafa Reserves the amount of land thus allocated
 was approximately 751 acres, 227 acres and 100 acres, respectively.IS7
 Initially titles to the Rese.rves stipulated that the Governor might, on the aplication
 of the trustees,
 allot and transfer to any Natives resident at any time on the
 Reserve land such portions thereof as the Governor may see
 fit, and at such price as may impose.ls8
 This prevented missionaries from granting land to Blacks without approval by
 government. However, in 1891 Supreme Court held that the holder of such land
 could pass transfer in the ordinary way without special approval by the
 Government. 15'
 However,as time went on, it seems there was a new wave of thought, even with
 the American Board regarding the subject of granting land to Blacks. Missionaries
 realized that there were shortcomings in the system of giving individual titles to
 Blacks.
 One reason given was that certain converts relapsed into polygamy but could not
 be removed when discovered since they held a freehold title. Such was the
 observation of some missionaries such as Rev. H.D. Goodenough Secretary to the
 I;.' Report of the Land Commission, February 1902, p.27-28.
 I;" Ibid. p. 27.
 In Ibid. p. 27-28.
 15' Report of the Land Commission, February 1902, p. 27.
 I)l.,l Ibid.
47
 American Board of Missions in 1894. '60
 Another reason mentioned was that the granting of freehold plots to a black
 resident on a Mission Reserve would probably encourage him to live in
 idleness. '0' Consequently missionaries such as Rev. Mr Wilder of Umtwalume
 Mission was frank on this issue. He explained to the Government Commission
 which visited his mission station at Umthwalume in 1886, that the original idea of
 granting individual titles to black residents on Mission Reserves had not proved
 successful. He further pointed out that it was not considered advisable to make
 more individual grants to them. '62
 By studying these developments one can realize that there was a lot of
 inconsistency in the practice of granting individual titles to Blacks. One thing
 stands out clearly, however. The missionaries played a leading role in persuading
 or dissuading the matter to the Government. With regard to Umlazi Mission
 Reserve Bishop Colenso experienced some problems from the very time the
 Umlazi Mission Reserve was founded in 1862.
 When the Umlazi Mission Reserve grant was made in 1862 Bishop Colenso and
 his family was in England (ie. between August 1862 and October, 1865).'63 The
 grant was made out to the Secretary for Native Affairs (then Sir Theophilus
 Shepstone) and the Bishop of Natal and his successors as Trustees.'64 (Explained
 earlier)
 After Colenso's reUlrn to Natal in 1865, he had some correspondence with his
 If,..
 '0'
 ItJ.!
 16.\
 '64
 Rev.H.D. Goodenough quoted in the report of the Land
 Commission, February 1902, p. 28.
 Report of the Land Commission, February 1902, p. 27.
 Ibid., p. 22.
 Evidence to the Land Commission of 1900, p. 22.
48
 co-trustee (Sir Theophilus Shepstone) making it plain to him that his position was
 merely nominal on that truSt. 165
 Miss Colenso explains thus:
 He (meaning Bishop Colenso) could do nothing without the
 consent of the senior Trustee, whose opinion it was that the
 deed of Grant precluded them from leasing, letting, or doing
 anything with the land, except allowing the Natives to live
 there, unless any of those Natives were then prepared to take
 allotments. 166 (Brackets mine)
 Miss Colenso points out that her father was disappointed to find that he could not
 use the land and in consequence, could really do nothing with regard to the
 Umlazi Mission Station. 167
 This evidence explains that from the very beginning of its history, the
 administration of Umlazi Mission Reserve was made difficult because the land was
 not fully in the hands of the Church. Consequently the destiny of the people as
 far as land ownership matters was concerned became uncertain. However, from
 Miss Colenso's statement it is clear that there was always concern that the Reserve
 should be left entirely for the sole occupation of Blacks. This situation was
 maintained until it was fixed by the Mission Rese.rve Act (1895) as already
 indicated. However by 1865, the demand of granting individual titles to Blacks at
 Umlazi Mission had not yet been met.
 Th~ Mission Reserves Act No. 25 of 1895 seems to have entitled Blacks to own
 land on Mission Reserves. Section 13 of that Act read as follows:-
 Natives, whether male or female, may acquire land in a
 Mission Reserve, and may be given title thereto, and such
 land may be held and enjoyed by such Natives and their
 heirs. subject only to the provisions of this Act and the due
 16j Ibid. p. 23.
 1"" Ibid.
 167 Ibid.
49
 observance of any rule passed hereunder, and of any
 conditions obtained in the title deed. IllS
 In the light of the Act stated above, the residents of Urnlazi Mission Reserve
 became legally entitled to the land they occupied like other residents in various
 Mission Reserves. However, this position was accepted nominally only but not
 practised. Another factor during those years that seems to have obstructed the
 Government in its administration of Urnlazi Mission was the interest shown by
 White businessmen in the area.
 10. COMMERCIAL INTERESTS IN UMLAZI MISSION RESERVE AND
 ADJACENT AREAS
 As already indicated in Chapter I, the coastal position of Umlazi Location, made
 White colonists to have designs on it and to be jealously critical of the
 government policy of granting the land to the Blacks.
 Even at the turn or the 20th century, there was still a strong feeling among white
 settlers that coastal areas should have been left in the hands of Whites. The Land
 Commission of 1902 expressed this feeling in no uncertain terms thus:
 For a number of years the Mission Reserves have been
 regarded as a stumbling block to the progress of the country,
 but Commissioners think this should be taken to apply only
 to those Reserves on the Coast, as for instance, Umvoti,
 Umlazi, Amanzimtoti, lmfume, and Ifafa, or part thereof,
 which, if not locked up, would in common with the lands on
 the Coast haw been utilized for European occupation, and
 panicipated in the general progress of that part of the
 country. ''''
 There i evidence from the records of Rev. I. Ikin who in 1886 was Land Agent,
 Secretary of Board of Curators and Missionary of Umlazi Mission Reserve, that an
 '0'
 ,...
 Act No 25, 1895, Acts of the Parliament of the Colony
 of Natal, p. 64.
 Report of the Land Commission, 1902, p. 28
50
 attempt was once made by the Government to either repossess Umlazi Mission or
 transfer it to some other authority. From the contents of this letter (dated Durban
 16 November 1886) it seems Rev. Ikin had been requested to study the
 agricultural potential of Umlazi Mission Station and make recommendations. l7O
 It also seems that the Colonial Government wished to transfer the Mission Glebe
 to some other form of trust. Among the things the Rev. !kin said was that a
 certain portion of land, Lot 37, in extent 7521 acres, was not suitable for either
 pastoral or agricultural purposes. Nevertheless he did not advise the Government
 to take it. Among other things he said:
 I trust the Government will not take away from us the 500
 acres Glebe land there, if the other. J7I
 This is some indication that by 1886 the Government had certain plans about
 Umlazi Mission Station which however, did not materialise. Some Whites wanted
 to use the Mission Reserve to pursue their commercial interests. In 1907, for
 instance, the Secretary for Native Affairs received an application from Keynochs
 Ltd. This Company desired to lease some 500 acres of land either on the
 Umlazi Mission Reserve or in the Umlazi Location. 172 The lease was intended
 to be of a permanent nature. The Department of the Secretary for Native Affairs
 considered the application but turned it down. Mr S.A. Samuelson, Under
 Secretary for Native Affairs, explained that the application was being turned down
 as he could find nothing in the Deed of Grant of Umlazi Mission Reserve enabling
 the trustees either to sell or lease portion of the Reserve. l13
 The failure of Keynochs' Ltd to secure land on the Reserve shows that the
 l1u
 11-
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 N922/1886, Letters received: Ikin - Colonial Office,
 16 November 1886.
 Ibid.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg colonial Office, SNA
 1/1/387, Letter Received: Keynochs Ltd - Secretary for
 Native Affairs, 1907.
 Natal Archives, Pfetermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 1/1/387, Lettters Received: Samuelson - Askew.
51
 Secretary of the Native Trust was not prepared to violate the rules of the Act.
 The reply of the Secretary went on to point that there was sufficient vacant land
 avai lable on Location lands adjoining Umlazi Mission Reserve or on the south of
 the Isipingo River which could be used by this Company without interfering with
 the land belonging to the Blacks.
 Accordingly in 1909, 1395 acres of Umlazi Location at Mbogontwini were sold
 by the Natal Native Trust to K-:'ynoch Ltd. 174 In that way K~ynoch's Ltd could
 not establish business on Umlazi Mission Reserve soil.
 Not all applications to lease land at Umlazi Mission were turned down, however.
 Ont' business firm that was permitted to lease land on the Umlazi Reserve was that
 of Messrs Mowat and Still, a firm of Builders and Contractors. They concluded a
 lease of about 70 acres in the Reserve. Correspondence between this company and
 the Natal Native Trust shows that when this company became insolvent,
 difficulties were experienced in claiming lease rents which, as a matter of policy,
 went to the coffers of the Natal Native Trust for the benefit of the Mission
 Reserve. '"
 It is noteworthy, however, that in other mission stations much was done to
 discourage the idea of allowing other people, other than Blacks to lease the land
 for commercial purposes. Instead more Blacks were encouraged to settle on a
 Mission Reserve in the interest of black tenants themselves. At Ulufafa (lfafa)
 Mission Reserve, for instance, by 1895 the Reserve was occupied by Black tenants
 with 161 huts bringing in a yearly amount of Rl61 in rent. 176 It was felt that
 this amount could be increased considerably if more Blacks were permitted to live'
 H.C. Lugg : Evidence of the Local Health Commission,
 N.T.S. 915/56, Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 175
 17,
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 1/1/317 Minute Papers.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 1/1/206-1/1/207 Minute Papers.
52
 in the Reserve. 117
 In 1895 the Secretary for Native Affairs suggested to the Colonial Secretary that
 the Ifafa Reserve should not be sold to people who would commercialize to the
 disadvantage of the Blacks. 178 He made this recommendation in the following
 words:
 I would recommend for the consideration of Ministers that it
 would be more profitable to the Government in the long run
 to reserve the reserve from sale than to sell it to persons who
 would buy it as a speculation and who would be enabled to
 pay a great part of the instalments with money received by
 them as rents. '79
 Generally speaking then, the policy of the Government was to protect the interest
 of the Black tenants on Mission Reserves. But somehow this protective policy
 could not be applied effectively at Umlazi Mission.
 These developments ie. the commercial designs in the neighbourhood of Umlazi
 Mission Reserve did not deprive the people of Umlazi Mission Reserve of their
 land. However, they paved the way for later developments and problems. By
 leasing land to White capitalists, the Natal Native Trust and the missionaries had
 created a precedent that Black land could be placed in the hands of outsiders, that
 is, Whites and Indians. The increase in business firms like Keynoch Company
 shows that the neighbourhood of the Umlazi Mission Reserve was slowly
 becoming urbanized.
 11. SCHISM A 0 ITS EFFECTS ON UMLAZl MlSS10N, 1863-1910
 An important event in the history of the Anglican Church, in South Africa which
 affected Umlazi Mission to some extent, was the schism which started from the
 117 Ibid.
 17 Ibid.
 '7- Ibid.
53
 early 1860's and lasted until shortly before the formation of Union in 1910.
 Up to 1853 when Natal became a separate diocese, all Anglican activities in Natal
 came under the direction of James Green. Green was appointed Rural Dean of
 Pietermaritzburg by the Bishop of Cape Town, also referred to as the Metropolitan
 of Cape Town. As indicated earlier, John William Colenso was consecrated the
 first Bishop for Natal in November 1853. To this post he was appointed by
 Robert Gray, Bishop of Cape Town, Colenso being then 39 years old.
 On D January, 1854, Bishop Colenso arrived at his Diocese. After a ten-week
 orientation, he returned to England on a missionary assignment and came back to
 Natal permanently in May 1855.'sO With his eagerness Bishop Colenso planned
 to work among the Zulus and looked upon his missionary work there as his most
 important duty. 1>, He did considerable work to extend missionary activity
 throughout Natal and Zululand by sending missionaries to various parts of the
 country to carry out mission work. In the course of time he commanded respect
 and popularity from the Zulus.
 The schism whose details fall outside this study, was a purely theological matter.
 It aru'>C from Bishup Colenso's interpretation of the Bible and his tolerance of
 certain Zulu customs such as polygamy. This brought the Bishop into conflict first
 with James Green and Bishop Gray, and later, with the Anglican Church as a
 whole. Whereas James Green was a Tractarian who wished to restore the unity
 and purity of the early Christian Church, Bishop Colenso was an advocate of a
 broadly based Anglican Church which would tolerate widely varying opinions and
 tradition>. 1>1
 I ,
 '"
 Il't!
 E.H. Brookes and C. de Webb: A History of Natal.
 p.106.
 Ibid.
 B.E.T. Masilela: The History of Missions in Zululand,
 p. 83.
54
 As a result of Colenso's speculative works on the first five books of the Bible, he
 was tried for heresy and deposed from his bishopric in 1863 and ex communicated
 on 5 January 1866. 1~3
 Consequently the majority of his clergy opposed him and took possession of their
 churches. This position, however, was changed by two judgements - one of Lord
 Romilly, Master of the Rolls, in 1867 and the other of the Supreme Court of
 Natal, according to which Colenso was awarded temporalities of the See.I" His
 opponents were excluded from all the churches except in two cases to which the
 terms of the judgement did not apply which exceptions laid the foundation for new
 churches being built.'~5
 These developments did much damage to the Anglican Church in South Africa.
 Tht' result was that the Church split into two factions, viz. one led by Bishop
 W. K. Macrorie with the title Bishop of Maritzburg and supported by the Society
 for the Propagation for the Gospel (S. P. G.) and the other led by Bishop Colenso
 with independent financial backing. 186
 The Zulu congregation was also split into two factions. Some remained loyal to
 Bishop Colenso while others accepted the authority of Bishop Macrorie. At
 Ullllazi too. there wa, a split. Some Christians still put much confidence in
 Bishop Colenso, while others came to support Bishop Macrorie. In due course
 the adherents of Bishop Colenso called themselves the Church of England in South
 Africa. But the adherents of Bishop Macrorie were incorporated into the Church
 of the Province of South Africa.
 ".
 ''''
 ''''
 Burnett: The Anglicans .... , p. 80.
 Ibid. p. 83.
 Ibid.
 B. Burnett : The Missionary Work of the First Anglican
 Bishop of Natal. The Rt. Rev. John William Colenso
 0.0. Between the Years 1852-1873. M.A. Thesis, 1947 ,
 p. 86.
55
 The schism had adverse effects on the Anglican Church as a whole, particularly on
 Bishop Colenso's Church. Bishop Colenso faced difficulties because he retained
 church property even though he had no means of maintaining or developing it.
 Further the split within the diocese necessitated the duplication of functions within
 the Church. This wastage of funds seriously hampered the smooth functioning of
 missionary work both within the Church of the Province and the Church of
 England. 187
 The division partly explains the reason for the neglect of Umlazi Mission. The
 Supreme Court awarded the property of the Church of England to Bishop
 Colenso in 1868. At that time Rev Baugh, who was engaged with missionary
 work at Umlazi Mission Station, sympathized with the Church of the Province of
 South Africa. Consequently he was obliged to relinquish his post. His work was
 subsequently shouldered by Mr Webster, a White catechist who was supported
 from Umlazi rentals. '"
 This was indeed a difficult phase in the history of Umlazi Mission. On this
 period, Bishop Bumett writes of Umlazi:
 The Church schism had virtually extinguished the life of the
 mission though evangelism and teaching had gone in a
 desultory fashion. 189
 The schism lasted for a considerable length of time. Even the death of Bishop
 Colenso in 1883 did not unify the two opposing factions. Bishop Bumett, however
 points out that the death of Dr Colenso did not heal the breach in the Church,
 although the controversy c~led down at once when Colenso's doctrine's were
 eliminated.'"''
 ,,,
 'S><
 ,'I"
 Burnett : The Anglicans
 Ibid. p. 110.
 . . . . , pp. 151-2 ?
56
 12. THE CHURCH PROPERTIES ACT - 1910
 Towards the end of the century the spirit of reconciliation between the two
 factions grew. Capable peacemakers within the Anglican Church facilitated the
 pace towards unity. After the appointment of Rev. F.S. Bairns as Bishop in 1903,
 the Anglican Church reached a landmark when it introduced the Church Properties
 Bill in the Natal Parliament. In a bid to unify all the Anglicans, the proposed Bill
 sought to bring under one administration all church properties registered in the
 name of Or. Colenso under the Church of the Province of South Africa.
 For some time the Bill was debated in the Legislative Assembly because some
 people opposed the idea of a reunited Anglican Church. Among these was Miss H.
 Colenso who argued against the doctrines of the new church. Joining her were
 Curators of the Church of England who also opposed the Church Properties Bill.
 However by 1910 it became clear that the tide in favour of the Bill was too strong
 to be opposed. The Bill was passed in 1910 as Act NO. 9 of 1910 and became
 commonly known as the Church Properties Act. According to this Act, the Right
 Rev. Frederick Samuel Baines 0.0., Bishop of the Anglican Church in Natal,
 and the Diocesan trustees of the Diocese of Natal for the time being, were
 declared the trustees uf certain properties (described in Schedule A of the
 Acl). ,-, The Act gave them power to hold, use, administer, lease, sell, exchange
 or otherwise alienate the listed properties for the use and benefit of the Anglican
 communion in the Colony of Natal whether known as the Church of England or
 the English Church of the province of South Africa. l92
 According to this Act then Umlazi Mission Reserve and Umlazi Glebe or Grant
 fell under Schtldule A of the Act. '93 This meant that legally it fell under the
 '91 Section 1, S.A. Act NO. 9 Of 1910.
 Ibid.
 Numbers 35 and 36 of Schedule A in Act NO 9 of 1910.
57
 administration and control of Bishop Bairns, the Bishop of the Anglican Church in
 Natal. The old Board of Curators was dissolved, its place being taken by the
 Anglican Trust Board.
 It bears stressing that the Church Properties Act did not in any way supersede the
 previous Act of 1903, which contained rules for the administration of all Mission
 Reserves. Act NO 9 of 1910 merely concerned itself with the Anglican Church and
 sought to end the division which had kept the Anglican Church apart for nearly
 fifty years.
 By the formation of Union on 31 May 1910, the Anglican Church was thus a
 united church. However, peace and unity would not easily be restored by the
 Church Properties Act. One reason for this slowness was that opponents of the
 new order were not happy with the manner in which the recently salvaged unity
 had been achieved. For a fact they criticised the way the Church Properties Bill
 had been debated, pointing out that the final stages of the debate were
 characterised by rather unethical tactics and irregular procedures on the part of
 those in favour of the: Bill. ,... One opponent commented as follows in the Natal
 Mercury:
 The promoters of the Bill gained the victory, but it is a
 victory more humiliating than the most dire defeat, as it has
 been achieved by tactics that lovers of justice and fair play
 must regard with sorrow and abhorrence.?95
 These feelings of resentment reflect the problems that faced the Anglican Church in
 gene:ral and the Church at Umlazi in particular at the time immediately after Union.
 With the: support uf Miss Colenso the adherents of Dr. Colenso continued to regard
 themselves as members of the old Church of England and refused to recognise the
 authority of the new church. This dispute was not confined to theological differences
 bur affected issues of Umlazi Mission lands as well.
 '''' The Nata 1 Mercury, 3 February, 1910, p. 6.
 Church Properties Bill).
 (The
58
 13. CONCLUSION
 This chapter sought to highlight the social, administrative and church problems which
 faced Umlazi Mission Station and Reserve for five decades after the founding of the
 Mission Station. The chapter showed how these problems continued to stifle the
 stability of life on the mission station. As it was shown, most of the issues behind the
 disputes tended to be land-related.
 The issue that featured prominently after the inception of the Mission Station and the
 Reserve, concerned the granting to Blacks of legal entitlement to land ownership in
 the Mission Station. Government policy however, was erratic. As has been argued
 in this chapter, there was no consistency in the granting of individual titles for land
 occupied by Blacks on Mission Reserves.
 At Umlazi Mission Reserve the process of legalising land ownership was slowed
 down by internal dissensions within the Anglican Church itself. The split in the
 Church caused the church authorities to adopt an indifferent attitude towards UmIazi
 Mission Reserve. Consequently among the Missionaries, not even the humanitarian
 Bishop Colenso addressed the"issue of securing land rights for the Black community
 of lJmlazi Mission Reserve"
 It was noted also. that during the years covered in this chapter, the Blacks were
 excluded in the decision making forums on land issues. Consequently debates and
 contributions came from white missionaries and white government officials who
 represented black interests. "
 It emerges from this account that Whites were increasingly desirous to occupy lands
 adjacent 10 Umlazi Mission or to lease land in the Mission Reserve itself. As was
 Illll,-d. white presence did not allay black concerns but increased tension. Disliked
 though the white presence was, their grudging presence signalled the beginning of
 urhanisation. During subsequent years, this urbanisation process was to add certain
 dimensions to the land controversy around the development of UmIazi Mission
Station.
 59
59a
 Tile Umlazi Mission Station
 Source: Mackenzie, A (Ed) : The Net Cast In Many Waters (1867) (Bembrose & Sons London)
 ..
59b
 Fig. 2 Map showing position of Umlazi Mission Reserve
 UMLAZI MISSION RESERVE
 RIverUm/aas
 ~prox. kea
 in metre.
 H.
 L.
 - Hospital
 - Lakefield
 U.G.L. ? Umlazl Glebe Lando
 M.H. ? Merebank Native Hootel
 170
 40
 B. H. ? Beer Hall Site U.M.R. ? Umlazl lM..lonb Reoerve 8 000
 SOIree' State ....chiva. Pretaricl, NTS 915/56. Urr4azi_
 Reserve Evidence. Crown ., The Dept. of Geography. 3/1993.
 Lamont
 Lamont Ext.
 449
60
 CHAPTER 3
 LAND HUNGER AND DISPUTES AT UMLAZI MISSION 1910-1924
 1. INTRODUCTION
 Firstly, this chapter examines the nature of the changes that took place in the
 administration of Mission Reserves by the time Natal surrendered its autonomy
 to become part of the Union of South Africa in 1910. Secondly the effects of the
 /
 Church Properties Act mentioned in the previous chapter are evaluated in the context
 of llmlazi ?Mission.
 Additional aspects examined in the chapter involve the founding of a school at Umlazi
 Mission, the interest of a few Indians and Whites to settle at Umlazi Mission, the
 boundary question, the acceptance of Indian tenants on the Mission Glebe, their
 subsequent eviction and the disputes arising from the resistance of some Blacks
 against the paymenr of hut rent. From the examination of these issues, the chapter
 draws the conclusion that the land issue was the main cause of the disputes at Umlazi
 Mission.
 2. THE STATUS OF MISSION RESERVES AFTER UNION
 One of the first acts of the Union Government in 1910 was to create the Union
 Department of Native Affairs which took over the function of the separate similar
 departments of the former colonies.'" It implied the existence of the black
 population as a separate community to be legislated for specially.197
 The Mission Reserves, which, as pointed out earlier, existed only in Natal, were not
 disturbed by Union. The Mission Reserves Act of 1903 remained the cornerstone in
 ,...
 '97
 D.W. Kruger: The Making of a Nation, p. 60.
 Ibid.
61
 the administration of Mission Reserves. Until 1912 the Natal Native Trust was the
 body that administered Mission Reserves. In these areas the welfare of the Blacks
 still formed part of its responsibilities. The Natal Native Trust would consider any
 scheme a missionary submitted as long as it was in the general interests of the Blacks. 198
 The Blacks were thus protected against any measures that might cause them to forfeit
 their rights and privileges as tenants in Mission Reserves. Their removal was
 effected under an order by the Supreme Chief, that is, Governor-General, acting in
 conjunction with the Natal Native Trust. '99 But such an order would not be issued
 unless substantial proof could be advanced to show that their removal would be in the
 interests of the Blacks and of the colony.2OO The Resident Missionary still enjoyed
 the power of landlord. He was invariably consulted before permission to enter the
 Reserve was granted -'",
 However, by Act No. I of 1912 the powers of the Native Trusts were transferred to
 the Minister of Native Affairs. Accordingly the Act of 1912 amended or repealed
 Act No 29 of 1910 (Natal). It empowered the Governor-General to delegate to the
 Minister of Native Affairs the administration of matters which on 31 May 1910 were
 administered by Native Trusts. 21J2
 Section 2 of the Act read as follows:
 ... the Governor-General may delegate to the Minister of all
 such matters as were on the thirty-first day of May, 1910 and
 have been since that date administered by any legally
 consrituted Native Trusts. 2OJ
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 No 473/3126/1910, Letters Received: Secretary, Natal
 Native Trust - Rev Father Superior, 27 September,
 1910.
 '''''
 2Ull
 2t11
 201 statutes of the Union of South Africa, 1912, p. 2.
62
 The Act of 1912 provided that no lands held by such trusts by that date (other than
 lands required for church, school or trading purposes or for public purposes) would
 be alienated unless authorized or approved by an Act of Parliament. The transfer of
 po"'er to the Minister of Native Affairs did not change the status of Mission
 Reserves. Hence the development of Umlazi remained undisturbed.
 It was. however. the provisions of the Church Properties Act, mentioned in Chapter
 Two, that was to create problems on the Mission Station. The effects of this act on
 Umlazi Mission Station deserves more detailed attention.
 3. EFf'ECTS OF THE CHURCH PROPERTIES ACT ON UMLAZI MISSION
 After the passing of the Church Properties Act in 1910 the Acting Secretary for
 Natives Affairs sent a minute to the Magistrate at Pinetown requesting him to call up
 the residents of the Umlazi Mission Reserve and explain to them the changes which
 the Act had caused.ll~ The Act had the effect of transferring to the Church of the
 Provi nee of South Afriea the control of religious and educational work on the Umlazi
 Missiun Reserve.'''; This body therefore took the place of the missionary body
 (Church of England) mentioned in the Deed of Grant of the said Reserve.206
 As a result of the passing of the Church Properties Act there was ill-feeling and
 tension between the followers of the Church of England and those of the Church of
 the Province of.South Africa. Three reasons were put forward by members of the
 Church of England for opposing the Church of the Province of South Africa. These
 were:
 I. The Church of England in Natal was a church professing and teaching the
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 473/1910.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
63
 doctrines and iaith of the Protestant Reformed Religion.
 2. The Church of the Province of South Africa, was not a Church teaching or
 proiessing to teach the Protestant Reformed religion but was a Catholic
 Church.
 3. The Church oi the Province of South Africa, was founded by people who
 seceded from the Church of England in about 1870.207
 This issue raised controversy among people of Umlazi Mission and brought problems
 for Rev E.W. Shennan the missionary then in chargeofUmlazi Mission Station. On
 his appointment Rev. Shennan was to work on the Mission Reserve and Glebe but at
 first he would confine his attention to the latter.208 On arrival he found two Black
 catechist missionaries. 10hn Ndlovu and Adam Mvuyana. 209 These being servants
 of the Church of England refused to accept Rev. Shennan as their Minister for the
 reasons stated above. 1Iu In view of this situation, in which Rev. Shennan accused
 the two catechists of stirring up strife in the Mission, Rev. Shennan recommended
 thar rhey be evicted from the Reserve. 2lI
 Matters came to a head when NdIovu and Mvuyana sent a petition to the Secretary
 of Native Affairs complaining that they had been placed under a missionary who was
 not of the Church of England.212 It was reported that the congregations of the
 207
 210
 211
 .H?
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 NO 473/1910.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 NO 4668/1910.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 File NO 16 468/1910 .
64
 petitioners numbered 350 to 400. m Miss H.E. Colenso supported the black
 catechists and pointed out that the adherents of the Church of England were placed
 in a dilemma; they Illust either let their children be taught the false doctrines of the
 other body or keep them away from school. m She maintained that, as the people
 were yearly tenants. they were entitled to a year's notice and that during the period
 of notice, they were entitled to carry on their own services.m
 [n reply, the Secretary for Native Affairs explained that no such notice would be
 granted and that the prosecution of religious or educational work was prohibited by
 the Mission Reserves Act, and that it was therefore a matter for the Church of
 Province of South Africa to deal with.216 Explaining the legal aspects of the matter
 th~ Secretary, Natal Native Trust, pointed out that the Government had obtained legal
 advice to the effect that the Church of England mentioned in the Schedule to Act No
 49, 1903, Illust be deemed to be the Church of the Province of South Africa
 mentioned in Act No 9 of 1910. 211
 This latter body was thus entitled to the exclusive privileges mentioned in Section 6
 of Act 49 of 1903.'" The position now was that rights of occupation of the land
 wne protected so lung as lawful occupiers complied with the laws and regulations
 framed there under and did not usurp the privileges of the Church of the Province of
 South Africa. 2'. This gave the Natal Native Trust discretionary powers to enforce
 the provisions of Section II of Act No 49 of 1903 as to the exclusion of persons who
 213
 114
 215
 2'.
 217
 21~
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, SNA
 File NO 473/1910.
 Ibid.
65
 trench on those privilegesHlI
 The black petitioners therefore failed to receive legal backing to support their case
 am!" to remain in the Mission Reserve where they had to worship under the Church
 of the Province of South Africa. Nonetheless, in conclusion the Secretary expressed
 his hope for reconciliation when he said:
 It is hoped, however, that means will be found whereby the
 difficulties which at present divided those who, after all, are
 working with the same object, and in common cause, may be
 amicabl y settled.T1I
 4. THE FOUNDING OF A NEW SCHOOL
 An important achievement made by Rev. Shennan during his term of office was to
 recommend the building of a new school for the black residents of Umlazi Mission
 Station. A school site was applied for on the Mission Reserve and this move was
 supported by the Superintendent of Education and the assistant Inspector, Mr Gebers.
 Mr Gebers in. motivating the application pointed out that at that time (early in 1911)
 there were 420 huts on Umlazi Mission Reserve and only one little school. He
 explained that Rev. Shennan was anxious to work up the school and conduct it
 according to the regulations of the Department of Education. Accordingly Mr
 Shennan, Mr May, the Head Teacher of the new school (ie. the existing school) and
 Mr Gebers chose a spot near the existing Church building, about a mile and a half
 from the Mission House. They found this site to be the most suitable for the school
 and was fairly central for the southern half of the Reserve. A school house,
 playground and garden was proposed on the new site. Mr Shennan planned to erect
 22IJ
66
 a wood and iron building of a superior nature to accommodate 120 children.m
 [nitially Rev. Shennan had applied for six acres. However, after some lengthy
 negotiation between the officials involved Rev. Shennan was granted five acres. The
 reason for this drop was that the authority given for leasing sites to the Education
 Department limited the area to five acres.m
 Accordingly Rev. Shennan was permitted to occupy a site of five acres at a rental of
 one shilling per acre per annum. This was done as a temporary arrangement pending
 a decision regarding the tenure of such sites throughout the Union.224
 5. APPLICATIONS TO SETTLE AT UMLAZI MISSION
 [n spite of the dispute discussed in the preceding section, which adversely affected
 progress at Umlazi to some extent, the Mission Station and the Reserve continued to
 grow. It attracted a number of inhabitants from neighbouring parts of the Mission
 Station. Among applicants who were interested to settle on the Umlazi Mission
 Reserve were Indians whose interest in that area seem to have started during the early
 years of Union. On 14 March 1911, the Durban General Agency, Natal, wrote to
 the Secretary of Natal Native Trust, Pieterrnartizburg, trying to find out if part of the
 Mission Reserve could be let to Indian tenants.m It is clear, however, that at that
 time the idea of letting Indians on the Mission Reserve was not entertained by the
 Government since the Secretary, in his reply, stated explicitly that:
 No portion of the Umlazi Mission reserve is available for
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 Vol 6/1911.
 m
 m
 Ibid.
 Thi4.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 Vol 6/1911. Letters Received: Durban General Agency,
 Natal Secretary, Natal Native Trust,
 Pietermaritzburg, 14 March, 1911.
67
 Indian Tenants. 226
 Interest in Umlazi Mission lands was also panJy inspired by the fact that much of the
 land was not being used by the church. At the end of March 1915, the Chief Native
 Commissioner in Pietermaritzburg, received an application from W.G. Lowe, an
 Accountant. Auditor and Conveyancer in Pietermaritzburg. 227 Mr Lowe wished to
 lease a portion of Umlazi Mission Reserve land at the mouth of Umlazi River near
 Isipingo (see rough plan that he attached to his application).228 He desired to take
 up at once 200 acres of land with the option of taking up an additional lOO or 200
 acres each succeeding year for a period of three years.m Lowe wished to obtain
 a lease for seven or ten years which, however, could be terminated at any time since
 the property was a Mission Reserve. 2JO Mr Lowe suggested, however, that should
 the property be needed for Church purposes he could be given a twelve month
 noticeY' This portion of the Mission Reserve was bushy and would require
 clearing for at least the first year or two. In his letter Mr Lowe's last words clearly
 indicate that it was because the land was vacant that he was attracted to apply for it.
 He said:
 I would suggest to you that as the land is not apparently needed
 for Church purposes just at present a period of beneficial
 occupation such as I now propose is one that your Department
 may be disposed to favorably consider.m
 ID
 230
 231
 m
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg colonial Office, CNC
 Vol 6/1911, Letters Received: Secretary Natal Native
 Trust, Pietermaritzburg Durban General Agency,
 Natal, 25 March, 1911.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg colonial Office, CNC
 203/1915/387, Letters Received: W.G. Lowe - Chief
 Native Commissioner, Pietermaritzburg, 31 March, 1911.
 Ibid.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO 203/1915/387, Letters Received, W.G. Lowe  
Chief Native Commissioner PM Burg, 30 March 1915.
68
 However. Mr Lowe's application was not favourably considered. The Chief Native
 Commissioner could not grant the application because of the provisions of Act No 1
 of 1912.2.'.' As has been indicated according to this Act, Mission Reserve lands
 were now under the jurisdiction of the Minister of Native Affairs and could not be
 transferred to any individual or company without parliamentary approval.
 6. THE BOUNDARY PROBLEM
 Another development that took place at Umlazi at this time was the re-survey and
 adjustment of boundaries which included fixing boundaries between Umlazi Mission
 Glebe and Umlazi Mission Reserve. This was done mainly because there was then
 no clear line of demarcation between the two areas (though they were both under the
 jurisdiction of the Anglican Church).
 Consequently it was estimated in 1913 that the encroachment by the Glebe on the
 Reserve amounted to one hundred acres.234 The Surveyor, Mr Frank A. Middleton,
 reported to the Chief Native Commissioner, Pietermaritzburg, upon completion of the
 job that he found it a most difficult and a tedious one on account of the conflicting
 data and the difficulties to contend with in the field. Not a single boundary out of
 seven was known to anyone. The result was that cane fields, banana plantations and
 gardens had been cultivated and buildings erected, regardless of boundaries.m
 Eventually the Surveyor gave notice to certain tenants on land which had hitherto
 been regarded as Glebe, but which on survey was found to be part of the Umlazi
 '.
 233
 234
 235
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File No 203/1915/387, Letters Received, Chief Native
 Commissioner Pietermaritzburg, 30 March 1915.
 Natal Archives, Pietermartizburq Colonial Office, CNC
 File No 99/1912, Report by F.A Middleton, to Chief
 Native Commissioner, Pietermaritzburq.
69
 Mission Reserve. "" These tenants were told to vacate such land.
 Boundary disputes also took place between the tribes or sections of tribes living at
 Ullllazi Location and Umlazi Mission Reserve. The notable one was between the
 AlllaCele and AlllaNyuswa in 1913. 237 Chief Mukhwantshi of the Nyuswa tribe had
 established at least forty huts in the Mission Reserve. Consequently Rev. Shennan
 appealed to? the Chief Native Commissioner to settle the matter. Chief Mukhwantshi
 had felt that a boundary line should be made in the Mission Reserve between his tribe
 and the rival group. However, in settling the dispute the Chief Native Commissioner
 explained that under Mission Reserve regulations land matters were excluded from
 the jurisdiction of chiefs being vested in the officers of the Department, there was no
 necessity to define a boundary between them. 238 Besides the matter was further
 cOlllpl icated by that the tribes themselves under their chiefs were intermingled and no
 line of demarcatiun was possible between them. 239
 The boundary problem took another turn in 1914 when an application to alter the
 northern boundary of the Mission Reserve was launched. The Umlazi River had for
 years been recogn ized as the northern boundary of the Umlazi Mission Reserve.
 In 1914 W.E. Galliers, Government Surveyor, made an application in which he
 requested for an alteration of the northern boundary which would involve the transfer
 of some area (Lot A - Dunn's Grant) to the Clainnont Estate, Durban County and the
 other area marked A to Umlazi Mission Reserve. 240 This was suggested because
 Ibid.
 D7
 240
 Natal Archives, Pietermartizburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File No 147/1914.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO 1915/387, Letters Received: Chief Inspector of
 Locations and Mission Reserves Chief Native
 Commissioner, Natal, 18 December, 1914.
70
 tht' llmlazi River would change its course during t100ds but leave some space during
 nonnal time~.!J1
 After considering the matter the suggestion made by Galliers was declined by the
 ofticials concerned with the administration of Mission Reserves. The Chief Inspector
 of Locations and Mission Reserves saw the land in question as of little value since
 it wa~ created only when the river was in flood. For this reason he strongly
 recommended that the suggested alteration be opposed by the Department.m
 The Chief Native Commissioner pointed out that in the Deed of Grant of the Umlazi
 Mi~sion Reserve it was distinctly stated that the Umlazi River was the northern
 boundary of the Mission Reserve and that he was not authorised to make any
 alteration. W Apart from this, however, no alteration of the boundaries of a
 Reserve of that description could be effected without a Special Act of Parliament.244
 The Survey Department also refused to pass the diagram until the consent of the
 owners of the Reserve had been obtained.24s
 !~I
 243
 144
 24S
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO. 1915/387, Letters Received: W.E. Galliers  
Chief Native Commissioner, Natal, 14 October, 1914.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO. 1915/387, Letters Received: Chief Inspector
 of Locations and Mission Reserves Chief Native
 Commissioner, Natal, 18 December, 1914.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO. 1915/387, Minutes of Chief Native
 Commissioner, Natal, 19 December, 1914.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO. 1915/387, Letters Received: Secretary for
 Native Affairs - Chief Native Commissioner, Natal, 23
 December, 1914.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO. 1915/387 Minutes of Chief Native
 Commissioner, Natal, 19 December, 1914.
71
 7. INDIAN TENANTS AT UMLAZI MISSION
 The efforts to resist Indian settlement on Umlazi Mission Reserve did not last long.
 R. Tomlinson. Secretary of the Anglican Church Trust Board, reported in March
 191~ that eight Indians occupied a portion of the land hitherto regarded as part of the
 Umlazi Glebe. but which in consequence of the re-survey. appeared to fall within the
 Mission Reserve. ,."
 On 25 September 1916, F. N. Stevens supplied the following list ofIndians who were
 still resident at Umlazi Mission Reserve:
 B. Naidoo 6 acres @ 20/ - for 3 years,
 Goklll 6 acres @ 20/ - for 3 years,
 Jankey 5 acres @ 20/ - for 2 years,
 Ramcheren 2 1/2 acres @ 20/ - for 3 years,
 Jeykerin 2 acres @ 20/ - for 2 years,
 Mahangu I 1/2 acres 20/ - for 3 years,
 Ganga I acre @ 20/ - for 4 years,
 Viyey 1 acre @ 20/ - for 3 years and
 DlIki I acre @ 20/ - for I year. 247
 As indicated above these tenants paid an annual rental of one pound per acre for the
 land occupied by them on condition that they were subject to twelve months
 notice. 1" The exception was Mr B. Naidoo, who held a lease of a piece of land
 146
 241
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO 2343/1912 Letters Received: R. Tomlinson Esq,
 Chief Native Commissioner, Natal, 4 March, 1914.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO 2343/1912, Letters Received: F.N. Stevens  
Chief Inspector of Locations, Natal, 25 September,
 1916.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO. 2343/1912, Letters Received: R. Tomlinson
 Esq - Chief Native Commissioner, Natal, 4 March, 1914.
72
 which wa, 16 1/'2 acres in extent for a period of five years from I August 19/1.1??
 Afler the re-survey it was found that he occupied about six acres of the Reserve land.
 The Illllians were given nutice to quit the Mission land after the expiry of their term
 of ka"". ,~,
 Umlazi Mission" Reserve reached a new stage in its development when the Blacks
 were encouraged in 1917, to grow sugar cane. Rev. C.H. Chater, then
 priest-in-charge of Umlazi Mission Station, sought the approval of the Chief Native
 Commissioner. Pietennaritzburg. In the letter directed to the Native Commissioner,
 he ,tated that the Anglican Church Trust Board who managed Glebe lands were
 sympathetic and willing 10 let him have the use of a few acres adjoining the Reserve
 to work in with the Blacks in the scheme. 251
 He said:
 This may lead in time to placing of Natives on Glebe lands
 instead uf the present Indian tenants and it will also have the
 general effect of giving the Native men work at their homes,
 which will be beneficial to the community.m
 Thi, letter shows that despite the proclamation that they would be given notice to
 quit. Indian tenants were still in the Glebe lands. It also explained the priest's desire
 to help the Blacks to become a self-sufficient agricultural community. Rev. Chater's
 letter also reveals another development that had taken place in the neighbourhood  
the creation uf Reuniun Estate Sugar Mill, the Manager of which, he pointed out, was
 ready to co-operate in the proposed scheme.m
 lQig.
 25U
 2.1i2
 253
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO. 2343/1912 Minutes of Chief Native
 Commissioner, Natal, 12 March, 1914.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO. 310/1917.
73
 The presence of Whites in the neighbourhood of Umlazi, the privilege granted to
 Indians to lease parts of the Mission and the setting up of a sugar mill at Reunion,
 wen~ all symptoms that areas around Umlazi Mission were becoming urban and
 multi-racial in character.
 The Indian tenants did not remain on Umlazi Mission for long. In 1920 Rev. Chater
 was succeeded by Rev. Francis Magwaza. During the term of office (which ended
 in 1924 when ill-health forced him to retire) Rev. Magwaza succeeded to put pressure
 on Indian tenants to leave the Mission Glebe. The Glebe lands became open to those
 black Anglicans who had been living in the backyards of their employers in
 Durban. N
 Sin~e that time Indians were settled on their own land stretching from Reunion to the
 Umbo~ntwini River. L;j Between them and the Mission Reserve there was a fixed
 boundary and there was never any encroaching by one group into the land of the
 other groupY? Dr. Nzimande explained that relations between Indians and the
 residents of Umlazi Mission have in the main been very cordial.m
 8. THE HUT RENT ISSUE
 Apart from theological differences and interference by external elements, some
 problems at Umlazi Mission Station were created by Blacks themselves. Lack of
 co-operation by some Blacks on the Reserve to pay their hut rents as required,
 resulted in difficulties. In 1919 a dispute arose when three Blacks, namely, Mbangi
 Dwala, Litsha KhumaIo, and Nkani Ndaba, refused to pay their hut rents. There
 were also Nqakamatshe Kwela, Mtshwaza Makhanya, Bhayi Gcaba of Amanzimtoti
 Mission Reserve.
 255
 257
 A.M. Nzimande
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Umlazi Township, 13 April, 1987.
74
 Mr Roach. Acting Inspector of Locations, then proposed that these Blacks be forcibly
 ejected from the Reserve because they constituted a very bad example to other
 Reserve residents particularly the rent defaulters. He was firmly convinced that the
 forcible ejectment ut these people would have the most beneficial effect on the
 situation generally and would be a very great improvement in the rent collections.m
 As he stated:
 Once Natives saw that the Department meant business and
 would not tolerate any defiance of constituted authority they
 would pay up with little or no trouble. 259
 Consequently the case of the three Blacks was referred to Court. The Court ordered
 them 10 leave on .\0 June 1917. But the defaulters made no attempt to move. The
 Court Messenger did make an attempt to execute the writ of ejectment during August
 1917 hut failed.!""
 On 9 September 1919 the Chief Inspector of Locations appealed that the three men
 should he forcibly ejected from their Reserves with the support of the Magistrate and
 thle' Police under him. Failing to use force would mean a steadily diminishing
 revenue. He wrote:
 It is unfair to us, to the Missionary body, and to those Natives
 who are loyally meeting their obligations that the present state
 of affairs should be allowed to continue, and I respectfully
 request that the most stringent measures open to us be taken to
 secure full and complete observance of the Order of the
 Court. 1.'
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO. 18822038/1918/328, Letters Received : Mr
 Roach - Chief Native Commissioner, Natal, 6 September,
 1919.
 161.1
 261 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Co~onial Office, CNC
 File NO 18822038/1918/328, Letters Received : Chief
 Inspector of Locations - Chief Native Commissioner,
 Natal, 9 September, 1919.
75
 Accordingly Chief Magistrate Kirkman warned them to quit the Reserve. (However,
 Willie Khulllalo had heen exempted from Hut Tax on 21 August of the previous year
 by Ihe Chiel Native Commissioner Pietermaritzburg).
 Because the three men were adamant to obey authority, on 5 November 1919 the
 marrer was referred by solicitor Harold J. Stuart, to Chief Native Commissioner,
 Pietermaritzburg. who suggested that it was apparent that the Department was being
 treated with utter contempt by some of the Blacks. Therefore permission should be
 granted to either burn or destroy those huts from which Blacks had refused to budge
 alter having the writ 01 ejectment served on them, otherwise great difficulty would
 be "xperienced in collecting rents from Blacks in the future.262
 The Chief Native Commissioner, however, had no power to destroy the huts of
 Blacks. A11 he succeeded to do was to remove all their gear and lock their doors.
 After leaving the Blacks returned to their kraals and took up their abode again.
 Thi, rent dispute was eventually solved when stringent measures were taken against
 the rclll defaulters. They were taken to jail and sentences ranging from a fine to a
 prison sentence were imposed upon them. This punitive measure was a victory to the
 authorities who had succeeded to prove a point to the black tenants. The Chief
 Inspector of Locations wrote to the Inspector of Locations at Isipingo to congratulate
 him on the work done as follows:
 The measures you are adopting to secure due observance of the
 ejectment orders are to be cornmended, and I shall be glad if
 you will continue pursuing your present policy until we have
 secured our rights .... No stone is to be left unturned in having
 this matter finally disposed of in terms of the Order of the
 Court.1' J
 261
 16.1
 Ibid.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office, CNC
 File NO 18822038/1918/328, Letters Received : Chief
 Inspector of Locations, Natal, Inspector of
 Locations, Isipingo, 28 April, 1920.
76
 9. CO elUSION
 In sum. land was the nucleus around which most disputes took place at Umlazi
 Mission. The events given in this chapter reflect the degree of interest displayed by
 Indians and Whites in the Mission. This land hunger not only resulted in disputes at
 the time under focus. but also seems to have laid the foundation for new interest in
 the future develupment of Umlazi Mission. This interest remained for some time.
 In spite of the success made by Rev. Magwaza to eventually remove Indians from the
 Glebe land, the use uf the Mission lands by the Indians seems to have set a precedent
 for the future.
 The Indians' interest in the Mission Glebe together with other developments
 descritred above. seem to point at the fact that the nearness of the Mission Station to
 Isipingo and the newly developed industrial areas was making the Mission attractive
 to olltsiders. To sume extent this chapter also shows how the Anglican Church
 authorities were tirst tempted to yield to the pressure of giving away the Mission
 lands, by lease, to uther people at the expense of the Blacks for whom the Mission
 station was meant.
76a
 Fig. 3 Location of desired area within Umlazi Mission Reserve
 Umlazi
 Mission
 Reserve
 ~ Desired area
 SOiree: Natal HcI1ives ? Pietermaritzblrg CNC Ale No.31O/1917. Drawn in The Dept. of Geography, 3/1993.
77
 CHAPTER 4
 UMLAZI SETTLEMENT AND THE EXPANSION OF DURBAN, 1925-1938
 l. I TRODUCTION
 The purpose of this chapter is to give a general picture of the main developments at
 Umlazi Mission Station between 1925 and 1938 in the economic, social, religious and
 educational spheres. The unsolved problem of freehold rights for landholders at
 Umlazi Mission and Durban is also given further attention.
 An attempt is also made to show the pace of industrial expansion of Durban during
 those years. The fast industrialisation was accompanied by a rapid rise in the urban
 population. It will be seen in this chapter that the extension of Borough boundaries
 was inevitable and was the direct result of the economic boom of Durban. This boom
 was marked by the southward industrial development of Durban and the absorption
 of new areas in that direction.
 This chapter seeks to highlight how Durban's southward expansion was to set the
 pace for the future urbanisation of Umlazi Mission Station.
 2. A NEW CHURCH AND THE FOUNDING OF UMLAZI MISSION HOSPITAL
 In ovember 1925 Rev. E. H. Steele was appointed priest-in-eharge at Umlazi
 Mission and he served in this capacity for about ten years.
 On his arrival in 1926 Rev. Steele found the old wattle-and-daub chapel built many
 years earlier decayed and services were held in the school room.260 Rev. Steele
 then committed himself in establishing a new church. This he achieved 10 do in about
 two years time. Thus by 1928, the people of the Diocese offered their thanks to God
 264 B. Burnett: The Anglicans in Natal, p. 152.
78
 for th~ fine n~w church that had been built with the assistance from the Anglican
 Trust Board.!'; On th~ day of the dedication of the church 114 Blacks were
 pr~sent~d for conlinnation. 266
 Anoth~r important d~velopment for the people of Umlazi Mission during Rev.
 Steel~'" term uf oftice was the establishment of a clinic-eum-hospital in 1927. Mrs
 Steele who was a SI. 10hn's nurse started in her kitchen what was to become Umlazi
 Mission Hospital. 2n7 Here she attended to minor ailments and dispensed
 medicines.!?' Howev~r, this soon proved to be too small to meet the demands of
 the patients.
 [n order to provide more adequate facilities the mission people with the help of a
 ca~nter ~ngaged tu knock up two wood iron buildings. The first of these was to
 house patients and the second became the house of a qualified black nurse, Miss
 Gladys Khumalo. ''''' Miss Khumalo was praised as a highly intelligent and
 passionate nurse. H "
 By the cnd of 1927 there had been 50 in-patients and 600 out-patients treated at the
 mission. m In 19:15 this hospital which was near the mission house was moved to
 the Glebe. Its lirst matron was Miss Mallaindaine who had been matron at Kwa 
Magwaza Hospital in Zululand.m
 265
 !66
 267
 271
 m
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 4 November, 1927, p. 2, (Ezase
 Mlazi Mission Reserve).
 Burnett: The Anglicans ???. p. 152.
 A. M. Nzimande: Umlazi Township, 10 April, 1987.
79
 By 1936 a further development had also taken place. The hospital which Blacks
 called "Isibhedlela Sabantu", which means "People's Hospital", had been elevated to
 become a training hospital. More black nurses enrolled for training and there were
 also many white nurses who worked in the hospital. m
 In 1943 a further development was made when a new orthopaedic ward for crippled
 black children was opened at the hospital by Mr D. L. Smit, Secretary for Native
 Affairs. m
 Umlazi Hospital has rendered very useful service through the years.m Even the
 community of Lamontville used to be served by the hospital. Black women had to
 walk a long distance. from Lamontville, with small children to Umlazi Mission
 Hospital for trearment no It was for this reason that in 1936, a request was made,
 through the Lamollt Native Location Advisory Board, for officials of the hospital to
 visit Lamont Locatioll once a week to attend to patients.m Arrangements were
 made by the Superintendent of Umlazi Hospital to meet with this request.m
 3. EDUCATION A D AGR[CULTURE ON THE MISSION STATION
 [n the educational field Umlazi Mission School which was begun by Rev. Shennan
 in 1910 was still the only school serving the community of the mission station. By
 113
 274
 175
 170
 ID
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 15 February, 1936, p. 3, (Ezase
 Mlazi Mission Re~erve).
 The Daily News, 16 November, 1943, p. 3, (Umlazi
 Mission Hospital).
 A. M. Nzimande, Umlazi Township, 10 April, 1987.
 Minutes of the Lamont Native Location Advisory Board,
 15 September, 1936.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
80
 1927 this school was overcrowded.m Consequently an intermediate school was
 built.
 At tirst the intermediate school started with a handful of pupils. It was, however, a
 step forward since students who had passed Standard Six there could proceed and go
 to a teacher training college.2'"
 Between 1924 and 1935 Mr A. H. Zulu (later Bishop Zulu) served as a headmaster
 ftrst of the primary section of the school. After two years, he was made head of the
 intermediate section and in this capacity he served for ten years. 2B1 Or Nzimande
 has pointed out that Mr Zulu was a singularly gifted and versatile type of man who,
 in addition to his highly successful work at the school, identifted himself with the
 community in all its endeavours at self-improvement in the agricultural, social and
 religious affairs.m
 By 1936 most black people on the mission station were civilized and valued the
 western type of dress.m A few had studied farming and most of the educated then
 were teachers. 2tl4 Some were furthering their education by private study.18S
 However, life at Ullllazi Mission Station remained rural. Or Nzimande has pointed
 out that the mission station consisted mainly of rich agricultural land which, ifworked
 scientifically, could guarantee the people a comfortable tiving.216 The proximity
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 4 November, 1927, p. 2. (Ezase
 Mlazi Mission Reserve).
 280
 - I
 282
 Ibid.
 A. M. Nzimande: Umlazi Township, 10 April, 1987.
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 15 February, 1936, p. 3. (Ezase
 Umlazi Mission).
 A. M Nzimande: Umlazi Township, 10 April, 1987.
81
 of Durban, however, offered opportunities of employment for some people who lived
 on the mission.
 In due course the mission station and the Reserve became a reservoir of labour for
 the city of DurbanY' The women-folk of the working men cultivated the land to
 grow such crops as mielies, beans, sweet potatoes, amadumbe etc. for their own
 consumption.m A few families on the mission grew sugar cane as well and made
 this the chief source of their income. 289 Stock-farming was also practised. At one
 stage some of the residents of Larnontville Location who could not obtain milk from
 town obtained their supplies from stock owned by Blacks in the Umlazi Mission
 Reserve. !""
 From the account given above it may be said that the black people ofUmlazi Mission
 were showing signs of being a progressive mission community. Though they were
 a predominantly farming community who valued agriculture and stock-farming, they
 were at the same time being gradually influenced by urban life and standards. In due
 course they became concerned that they had no legal titles to land which could
 guarantee them permanent ownership of the land. This problem they shared with
 people from other Mission Reserves.
 4. THE QUESTION OF FREEHOLD RIGHTS AT UMLAZI MISSION RESERVE
 By the end of 1926 black residents in Mission Reserves had formed the Mission
 Reserve Central Committee in which committees of all Mission Reserves were
 281
 29U
 Ibid.
 Report
 1938,
 1937) .
 of City Medical Officer of Health, 7 April,
 (Minutes of Locations Advisory Board, 1936-
82
 pre,ented. !-, Its uttices were In Queen Street, Durban. The Mission Reserve
 Central Cummincc had begun to hold regular conferences with the Commissioner of
 Native Affairs in which they discussed matters that affected Mission Reserves.m
 Amung other things discussed was to urge the Government to survey the Mission
 Reserves into freeholds. The people of Umlazi Mission Reserve in particular were
 perturbed by the expropriation of people's lands near Umlazi.293 Consequently
 because of this fear of insecurity, the question of granting freehold rights to people
 of lImlazi Mission bo:ame a matter of topical importance.
 In a meeting of September 5 and 6 (1927) in which delegates of Mission Reserves
 attended. this matter became the main discussion in the agenda.294 This meeting
 had been convened by the Department of Native Affairs and it was held at the Depot
 Road Locatiun. "';
 The Chai rman was the Native Commissioner of Natal, Mr C. A. Wheelright
 (popularly called uDambuza by the Blacks).296 Also in attendance was Major
 Herbst of the Department of Native Affairs, Pretoria. Present also were Magistrates,
 Inspectors of Locations and Reserves, Priests of the American Board and Priests of
 other denominations and delegates.2'I1 Such meetings, Mr Herbst explained, were
 encuuraged by Pretoria in order to create a forum where the views of Blacks could
 101 Ilanga Lase Natali, 14 January, 1927, p. 2, (Umbiko
 Womhlangano Wama Mission Reserve).
 Ibid.
 Ilanoa Lase Natali; 4 November, 1927 p. 2, (Ezase
 Mlazi Mission Reserve).
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 9 September,
 (Umhlangano WamaMission Reserve).
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 1927, p. 7,
83
 be heard. '"'
 Sp.:aking on behalf of Mission Reserves about freehold rights, Dr Taylor, Priest of
 the American Board, app.:aled that Blacks should be given land on freehold. 299 He
 pointed out that if the Government failed to meet this request, then it had the
 responsibility to ?call a meeting of the Blacks so as to make it clear as to how a
 resident could secure a plot for himself and his future generation.3oo In reply Mr
 Herbst pointed OUI explicitly that this subject could no longer be discussed since the
 Government had resolved not to grant freeholds on such lands. 301 Nevertheless he
 made some promise to the effect that the matter would be investigated and if the
 scheme was carried out the people would have to pay their survey fees. J02 The
 Blacks were happy at this meeting because they enjoyed the full support of white
 priests. ".'
 This meeting had been preceded in June of that year (1927) by a meeting of the
 delegates who represented Mission Reserves under the American Board Mission. J04
 It was held at Zihlabathini Church in Durban. Among other things the issue of
 freehold right was discussed and the people expressed their fear of insecurity that
 their land might be sold to white immigrants. JOS Inanda Mission Reserve residents
 (also lIf the American Board Mission) also demanded that their title for the land
 shuuld bear the names of all the tenants of the Mission Reserve and the name of the
 Ibid.
 Ibid., p. 2.
 3o"
 301
 .lU3
 J04
 JOS
 Ibid., p. 7.
 Ibid .
 Ibid.
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 1 July, 1927, .p. 2, (Umhlangano
 Wama Mission Reserve eTekwini).
84
 Chid who was in office when the land was granted to them. 306
 April I~. 193:1 became a memorable day for the people who lived on the twelve
 Mission Reserves of the American Board. 3U7 On this day the Government granted
 these Reserves freehold rights after some had been deprived these rights since the era
 of the early miSSionaries such as Rev. Grout.3lII
 Present in that conference were Major Herbst, Mr Young, Chief Native
 Commissioner of atal. Priests of the American Board including Dr Taylor and other
 observers ..IlN The Government complied with the request of the priests and the
 people that the twelve Mission Reserves of the American Board be surveyed and that
 people be given freehold titles for their land. 31O Since that date the Mission
 Reserves of the American Board were administered by Councils and then paid rates
 instead of rent for an allotment of thirteen acres that was prescribed for each
 individual. H'
 It should be noted that this important development only affected Mission Reserves of
 the American Board and not other denominations. Though the desire to have freehold
 rights was a general aspiration of people of all Reserves, the Government seems to
 have been inconsistent in its attitude. Even though delegates from Mission Reserves
 of the Anglican and Lutheran churches were present in the conference, they were
 mere observers and did not vote.m
 .1Uf> Ibid.
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 21 April, 1933, p. 9, (Udaba Lwa
 Ma Reserve ... Avunyiwe AmaFreehold).
 ](ll\ Ibid.
 ?J Ibid.
 3III Ibid.
 311 Ibid.
 311 Ibid.
85
 On the basis of this account it may be concluded that the request of Umlazi Mission
 peuple to have frt:t:hold rights, was not given any serious attention. It is noticeable
 to<I that the priests uf the Anglican Church were lukewarm and did nothing to
 safeguard the illlerests of their people in as far as land-rights were concerned. The
 priests of the American Board on the other hand successfully clamoured for the rights
 of their people. Such lack of concern from the Anglican Church is not surprising
 when one considers that by 1929 they had started to negotiate with the authorities of
 Durban to sell part of Umlazi Mission lands, a move that was the direct opposite of
 the aspirations of the black residents of Umlazi Mission.
 5. THE EXPANSION OF DURBAN AND ITS IMPACT ON THE LAND SHORTAGE
 Durban, which started as a small British settlement in 1824 at the Bay of Natal,
 became a township in 1835 and was accorded Borough or Municipal status in
 1854.'" The boundaries of the Borough of Durban as de.fined by Proclamation of
 1854 were as follows:
 East - by the Indian Ocean.
 North - by the Umngeni River.
 North-west -by the farms Springfield, Brickfield and Cato Manor.
 South and South-east - by the Umbilo River and the Bay of Natal.m The included
 area was 7165 acres.
 In 1854 Durban was still thinly populated. At the first official census of 1862 there
 were only 2,567 Whites, 1593 Blacks and 153 Indians with no Coloured race.m
 After Union, however, this position had changed radically and the population of the
 Borough had increased phenomenally. This was largely due to the economy of
 31J G. Maasdorp and A.S.B. Humphreys (Eds): fi:Qm
 Shantytown to Township, p. 7.
 31_ Mayors Minute, 1931, p. 2.
 us Mayors Minute, 1936, p. 8.
86
 Durban which was becoming diversified. Durban became an important industrial
 growth point and attracted large numbers of people from all sections of the population
 most of whom had lived on farms and reserves.
 The increase in the number of Blacks in big towns was largely due to the 1913 Native
 Land Act. The underlying principle of this Act (inuoduced in 1912 by 1.W. Sauer,
 Minister of alive Affairs, as the Natives Land Bill) was that the bulk of the Blacks
 and white groups should live and acquire land in separate areas. 3l6 Thus the growth
 of a mixed rural population of land owners which had become a common scene in
 South Africa would have to be discouraged. 317
 The Land Act severely reduced land for Blacks. The areas reserved for Blacks
 constituted about 13 percent of the area of Union (the proportion was later slightly
 extended) and over three quarters of the population were hauled to a little more than
 one eighth of the land.m
 These changes, however. did not directly affect mission lands or Mission Reserves
 since Section 8 paragraph (l) (h) of the Act stipulated as follows:
 othing in this Act contained shall be construed as ....
 applying to land held at the commencement of the Act by any
 society carrying on, with the approval of the Governor
 General, educational or missionary work amongst Natives
 310
 The Land Act of 1913 had a revolutionary effect on the economic and social life of
 Blacks. It squeezed the black farmers by preventing them from using land outside
 reserves. As a result the reserves became overcrowded. There was not enough land
 316
 311
 J'I
 3"
 C. M. Tatz: Shadow and Substance in South Africa,p.
 17.
 Thi,g.
 E. Brookes: Apartheid. A documentary study of modern
 South Africa, p. xxv.
 Statute of the Union of South Africa, Act NO. 27 of
 1913 Section 8, paragraph 1 (h).
87
 to support the people living there and there was more pressure on the men to become
 wage-earners. -'2"
 [n Natal many Blacks who were landless, including those who 'found town life
 attractive. migrated to Durban to make a livelihood. Durban soon faced the problem
 of population explosion. [n 1917 the Town Clerk of Durban reported about the
 dilemma facing the town which included such problems as shortage of land, housing,
 overcrowding, and exorbitant rents. 321 He then referred to the recommendations
 of the special committee of 1913. This committee had recommended that steps
 should be taken at an early date to secure to the Town Council permissive powers to
 incorporate within the Borough of Durban as from time feasible, all the lands lying
 adjacent to the existing Borough boundaries.m These could be extended as far as
 Bellair. Mayville, Sydenham, Greenwood Park, Red Hill, the Bluff and intervening
 lands. Sea View, New Brighton, South Coast Junction and any similar outlying
 districts.?m (Study the map)
 The Town Clerk saw the extension of the Borough boundaries as a question of
 paramount importance. More room would be created to build various infrastructural
 projects. Durban had a high economic potential. The rapid economic growth
 imposed many demands on the Town Council. One of the challenges was to house
 Bla<:ks who, like other races, had come to serve the needs of industry and therefore
 had to be properly accommodated.
 32\1
 321
 322
 ID
 L. Callinicos: Gold and Workers 1886 - 1924, ~29.
 Report of the Town Clerk to the Mayor and Councillors
 of the borough of Durban, 12 November, 1917, p. 2.
 Report of the Town Clerk to the Mayor and councillors
 of the Borough of Durban, 12 November 1917. Chapter
 on: "Municipal Housing Schemes", p. 2.
 Ibid. Chapter on: "Extension of Borough Boundaries",
 p. 1 - 2.
88
 6. HOUSING PROBLEMS FOR BLACKS IN DURBAN
 In Durban industrial development which followed after the First World War was
 accompanied by a continuous stream of black migrants desiring to secure employment
 in the Borough."" Due to various social problems flowing from the urbanisation of
 Blacks throughout the Union, the Government decided to pass the Natives Urban
 Areas Act in 1923. This Act empowered local authorities to provide for urban black
 workers, three types of accommodation namely; hostels, locations and villages. J2S
 The cardinal feature of these types of accommodation was that the black man was
 only allowed to ll<:CUpy them under conditions which guaranteed him no security.n6
 The Blacks were regarded as temporary sojoumers in the urban areas whose
 permanent interests lay elsewhere, namely, in the reserves or Locations. J17 The
 industrialists, intluenced by the labour policy of the mines favoured migratory
 labour. m
 Durban was no exception to this tendency. So even after the passing of the Natives
 Urban Areas Act of 1923, Durban authorities gave more consideration to single
 workers. Accordingly during the period 1923 - 37 the authorities were chiefly
 concerned with housing migrant workers in hostels and compounds.J29 In 1923
 alone 46,000 Blacks were housed in such accommodation in Durban. 330
 314
 315
 316
 J17
 3JO
 L. Torr: "The History of Lamont, 1933 1973",
 History News, (Journal of the Natal History Teachers
 Association, Vol. 24 November, 1984), p. 59.
 Report of Proceedings, Natives Representative Council
 special Session U.G. 34 - 46, p. 3.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Maasdorp and Humphreys: From Shantytown ???. p. 13.
 .IQig.
89
 There was, however. a class of permanent town dwellers that had emerged but on the
 whole the black population was largely a tloating one because of the proximity of the
 reserves. 01 There was thus little demand for family housing prior to the
 enlargement of the Municipal area, in 1932, by the incorporation of the "added
 areas" . "1
 Accommodation for Blacks was to be funded from a Native Revenue Account. The
 Native Beer Act of 1908 had also created a Municipal beer monopoly, ;the funds of
 which accrued to the Native Administration Fund. The proceeds from these funds
 were to the spent on the realization of two objectives, namely, ;the administration and
 control of Blacks in Durban and the provision of housing and welfare facilities.m
 Up to 1927 some 18 Municipalities had received momes from the Government
 aggregating JJ,JOO pounds and of this amount Durban had received a sum of 50,000
 pounds from the Government. 3J4 This amount was the largest single advance loaned
 to any of the local authorities.m This money was used to establish Eastern Vlei
 location with 60 two-roomed cottages for married Blacks as well as the Depot Road
 Location and the Dalton Road Location for single males. 3J6
 These measures met the needs of the time to some extent. In 1929 the Mayor, Rev.
 A. Lamont, reported that the 120 houses at Eastern Vlei had proved very popular
 with the Blacks. Eastern Vlei at that time was the only fixed residential quarters for
 .Ht Thj,g.
 332 Ibid.
 JJ3 Torr:
 60.
 "The History of Lamont, 1933 - 1973" ???? , p.
 334
 JJj
 3J6
 Mayors Minute, 1927, p. 274.
 lJW!.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office,
 Minutes of Durban City Council, Town Clerk File No.
 6431 J 18 Vol. 1 ?
 ."
90
 married Blacks and the number of houses had doubled.m The Mayor pointed out
 that it was essential that that feature of housing should be extended toward the
 establishment of a proper black village if the black community was to develop along
 satisfactory lines. \"
 7. POPULATION -GROWfH, EXPANDING INDUSTRIAL ACTIVITY AND
 EXTENSIQN OF BOUNDARIES
 Population growth continued as Durban's industrial and commercial life developed.
 With time the Borough area became constricted. Consequently there was an
 inevitable spill-over of the Durban population to the outlying districts. By 1930 the
 population of the Durban area stood as follows:339
 WCAL AUTHORITY AREA POPULATION
 WCAL AREA SQUARE WHITFS ASIATICS BLACKS TOTAL
 MILES
 Green Wood Park 8.84 5,000 5,000 2,100 12,100
 Malvern 6,65 3,200 1,800 1,250 6,250
 Mayville 14,71 3,000 14,000 6,000 23,000
 Pinetown 8,90 1,261 562 383 2,206
 South Coast junction 2,728 3,410 13,580 8,860 25,850
 Sydenham 762 3,000 1,300 6,500 22,500
 Umhlathuzana 490 5,100 3,380 1,400 9,800
 The figures shown above reflect the population shortly before the incorporation of
 "added areas" in 1932. In other words the seven local authorities (which were
 formerly constituted in 1926) were still independent of Durban and nm their own
 J37
 J38
 339
 Mayors Minute, 1927, p, 64.
 Mayors Minute, 1931, p. 61.
 The Report of the Boundaries Commission of 1929, p. 8.
91
 affairs. This means that the Municipal area of Durban was far smaller than it is
 today. (See map of Greater Durban on back page). The incorporation of new lands
 became inevitable.
 The extension of boundaries was not a new practice In Durban. Since the
 proclamation of the Borough in 1854 the need had arisen from time to time to extend
 the size of the town. Between 1904 and 1927 several areas had been included under
 Durban which increased the Durban Municipal area to 8,274 acres. J4()
 Yel the Boundaries Commission reported in 1932 that the Borough had within its
 limits only 600 acres suitable for development for residential PUrposeS.341
 Land within the town had been bought by individuals as well as industrial concerns
 and this created a demand for more space for residential, business and other purposes.
 The town offered land for factories and industries. Every application for land, either
 on a freehold or a l=hold basis was carefully and sympathetically considered by the
 Durban Town Council.-1.l2
 Consequently all available land was occupied and utilized for industrial and
 commercial activity. In 1931 the Natal Mercury reported this phenomenal growth
 of industry in Durban as follows:
 In the last decade 160 new concerns, representing a value of
 nearlYl6000 000 in land, buildings, plant and machine have
 sprung up .... in Durban Borough during 1920 - 30 no less
 than 145 acres of land has been opened up at a cost just below
 llOOO 000. 343
 Natal Archives,
 Report of the
 Commission, File
 Pietermaritzburg Colonial
 Durban Borough Extension
 No. 3/DBN 14/4/1.
 Office,
 Enquiry
 341
 342
 343
 Report of the Boundaries Commission, 1929, p. 3.
 The Natal Mercury, 30 November, 1931, p. 24, (Port
 Natal's Rapid Forward March).
 Ibid.
92
 In its policy of making extensions of the town area the Town Council worked on the
 principle that "for every acre sold within the Borough another must be acquired by
 purchase outside the present boundaries. "344 The application of this principle meant
 thai the acquisition uf land was going to be an on-going process. As long as land was
 bought within the Borough 1110re would have to be obtained outside. This became
 necessary since in the final analysis incorporation was seen to be in the interest of the
 town as a whole.
 The extension of boundaries was also seen to be in the interest of the inhabitants of
 the affected areas. This was expressed by the Mayor in the following statement:
 The ti l11e l11ust come when the Council will need to come to
 grips with the question of the inclusion of many of these
 suburbs in the town in the interests not only of the citizens of
 the town, but for the welfare of the inhabitants of the areas
 concerned. especialIy in matters of sanitary, police, fire and
 other services..""
 Whilst the Town Council was considering the incorporation of outer areas in the
 interest of all citizens. it also considered the sel~tion of a site for a black township.
 It was at this juncture that the finger pointed at Umlazi Mission for the first time.
 8. ATTEMPTS TO PURCHASE UMLAZI MISSION LANDS
 When Rev. Steele was priest-in-eharge of Umlazi Mission the issue of selling part of
 Umlazi Glebe to the Town Council was raised. It would appear that an offer was
 submitted early in 1929 for the Corporation to purchase some 60 acres of land at
 Reunion fronting the main South Coast Road at 100 pounds per acre together with
 certain buildings valued at I 000 pounds.346 The land adjourned the black Reserve
 and it was stated that the latter could be purchased at a later date.
 Mayors Minute, 1927, p. 215.
 Mayors Minute, 1929, p. 14.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial office,
 Durban Town Clerk File No. 643 J18 Vol. 2, Report of
 the Estates Manager, 28 February, 1929.
93
 Thl' ar~. it was suggested, would be bought for the purpose of housing Blacks.
 However. the Estates Manager stated that he could not recommend the purchase of
 the ar~ suggested for the reason that Reunion was situated ten miles from Durban
 and that ch~per land could be purchased nearer Durban if so required. He
 recommended therefore that the offer should not be entertained.347
 The Markets and AbaHoir Committee also wished to purchase Umlazi Mission lands.
 However, Councillor Kemp pointed out that there was no necessity for land for a
 black village until Wentworth was put to beneficial use. J4ll Thus he recommended
 that the question of the Umlazi Mission land should not be further considered (and
 the Committee agreed with him).349
 It seems, however. that the issue was soon raised again. In the same year (1929) Or
 H. E. ArbuckJe was Chairman of Markets and Abattoir Committee. He made
 enl.juiries to C.F. Layman, Manager Durban Municipal Native Affairs Department,
 about the likelihood of purchasing certain lands (200 acres in extent) at Umlazi
 Mission by the Durban Town Council as a site for the proposed village for Durban
 Blacks. J 5<' Mr Layman then forwarded this proposal to the Anglican Church
 authorities by writing to Canon Robinson regarding the acquisition of Umlazi Glebe
 lands for a black village. m
 This proposal (which was treated as "confidential") was discussed at a meeting of the
 Umlazi Committee (a Committee that was appointed by the Anglican Church Trust
 .\47
 349
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial office,
 Report of Councillor Kemp, Durban Town Clerk File No.
 643 JlB Vol. 2.
 lQ.j.g.
 J~ Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial office,
 Durban Town Clerk File No. 643 JIB Vol. 6.
94
 Board to advise in matters connected with the Mission).Jl2 Rev. Steele was directed
 to reply on behalf of the Committee that they would be prepared to recommend for
 the consideration and offer of the Municipality to purchase two hundred acres at one
 hundred pounds per acre. This offer was placed before the Anglican Church Trust
 Board who were the owners of the propeny.J5J
 This proposition did not meet with success. In reply to this letter the Town Clerk of
 Durban pointed out that the figure of 100 pounds per acre was excessive and 30
 pounds per acre might be deemed reasonable. J54 His words were:
 Referring to your letter .... regarding the acquisition of the
 Ullllazi Glebe land by the council for the purpose of
 establishing thereon a Native Village .... it was resolved that
 you be advised that the Committee is unable to entenain the
 proposal at the figure of 100 pounds per acre but the
 Committee is willing to funher discuss the proposition on more
 advantageous terms. m
 In that way the matter. lapsed.
 This correspondence reveals that as early as 1929 Umlazi Mission Station had begun
 to be seen as an ideal area for a black urban township. The Town Council's interest
 in Umlazi met with a positive response from the Anglican Church which wished to
 take advantage of the situation and make a huge financial gain from the sale of the
 land. The confidentiality of the correspondence also points to the fact that the
 proposition was carried out without consulting the tenants of the Mission Station. It
 is no surprise then that a little more than a decade later the matter was raised again
 and part of the Glebe was sold to the Durban City Council.
 "2 Ibid.
 JlJ Ibid.
 J54 Ibid.
 m Ibid.
95
 9. THE I CORPORATION OF "ADDED AREAS" AND ITS EFFECTS
 The early 1930\ ushered in a new phase in the territorial development of Durban.
 In 1932 the Durban town area was extended from 12 to 70 square miles by the
 inclusion of live peri-urban areas known as the" Added Areas" .356 These areas
 wen;: Green Wood Park, ;Mayville, South Coast Junction, Sydenham and
 Umhlathuzana. '<7
 Incorporation resulted in a substantial increase in the Municipal population, the pre 
incorporation total of 126.000, rising by 74 percent to 218,000.m incorporation
 also had the effect of altering the racial composition of the city's population.m The
 number of Indians almost trebled while the estimated Black population rose by almost
 one half from 43,8000 to 64,600.360
 Another factor that boosted the population of Du.rban was the end of the Depression
 of 1929 - .13:"" Consequently there was an influx of Blacks into Durban following
 the recovery in economic activity. 362 The Revenue Fund also reflected a more
 satisfactory position. "'J The added areas imposed many responsibilities on the
 Town Council. One of these was to improve housing conditions for the additional
 population.
 356
 357
 35.
 36.
 362
 Maasdorp and Humphreys: From Shantytown ???. p. 9.
 Mayors Minute, 1933, p. 1.
 Maasdorp and Humphreys: From ShantytoWD ?.?? p. 9.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 IQi4.
 Mayors Minute, 1935, p. 9.
96
 Some 23 percent of the population of the incorporated areas were badly and
 insufficiently housed: approximately 69.5 percent of the people affected were
 Indians: approximately 26 percent were Blacks. 364 The number of Whites
 concerned was fractional. '?.i
 (n due course of time the Government decided to deal with the problem of poor
 housing around industrial towns by passing the Slums Act in 1934.
 10. THE SLUMS ACT NO. 53 OF 1934 AND ITS IMPLICATIONS
 In pursuance of the housing policy the Government passed in 1934 the Slums Act No.
 53 of 1934 which empowered Town Councils to declare as slum areas in their control
 which did not fulfill Municipal housing and health standards. Section 3 of this Act
 made the following provisions:
 It shall be the duty of the local authority to take all lawful,
 necessary and reasonably practicable measures -
 (a) for preventing or remedying or causing to be prevented
 or remedial all nuisances36" in its district; and
 (b) for ensuring the provision of suitable housing generally
 and as far as circumstances permit for the inhabitants of
 its district.?..7
 This Act supplemented the Public Health Act of 1919.361 as it also aimed at
 Mayors Minute, 1933, p~ 13.
 J65
 367
 J68
 According to Section 122 of the Public Health Act of
 1919 the word "NUISANCE" referred to any dwelling or
 premises or any area of land or factory or trade
 premises or public building or any stream, pool,
 lagoon, stable, kraal, cowshed etc, that was not kept
 in a cleanly state and which in the opinion of the
 local authorities was offensive or dangerous to public
 health.
 Section 3 of Act No. 53 of 1934 in Statutes of the
 Union of South Africa 1934, p. 554.
 The Public Health Act (Act No. 36) was passed on 20
 June, 1919, and is in the statutes of the Union of
 South Africa, 1919.
97
 removing dwellings which in the opinion of authorities concerned, were unfit for
 human habitation and might therefore be at the detriment of public health. Both Acts
 also required local authorities to provide suitable housing for their inhabitants. Slum
 conditions. especially in urban areas, became the main focus of the Slums Act.
 In Durban the Town Council appointed the Public Health Committee in 1934 whose
 duty was to:
 (i) investigate the position as regards slum clearance
 (ii) carry out such formal procedure under the Act as a Committee in terms of the
 Act carry out un behalf of the Council
 (iii) draw up a programme of Slum Clearance and re-housing.369
 Consequently a comprehensive detailed survey of the whole Borough including the
 recently incorporated areas was carried out after the promulgation of the Slums Act.
 The terms of the Slums Act were such that it could not be enforced unless alternative
 arrangements were made to provide occupants with decent healthy accommodation.
 This placed a responsibility on Town Councils to build proper houses for those
 inhabitants affected. Thus, for instance, certain areas at Mayville and Riverside were
 declared by the Town Council as slums. The Town Council, however, received an
 intimation from the Minister of Public Health, I.H. Hofrneyer, that before final
 approval could be given to the declaration of these areas as slums, he would require
 to he satisfied that the Council was in a position to offer accommodation to the
 inhabitants (mostly Indians) of the slum areas to be c1eared.370
 The same had been said in 1934 in the case of Cato Manor and Springfield When the
 Medical Officer of Health reported that:
 .... The provision of the Slums Act cannot be invoked to effect
 slum clearance followed by expropriation of sites unless the
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office,
 Durban Town Clerk File 643 J/17 Vol. 3.
 Correspondence receiVed: Durban Town Clerk
 Secretary for Public Health, 10 December, 1934.
 Mayors Minute, 1936, p. 9.
98
 Minister of Health is satisfied as to the provision made for re 
housing .?"
 [n I:onsequence of that decision the Council was engaged for some time in an
 endeavour to provide adequate housing on suitable sites and housing schemes were
 considered to be set at Cato Manor and Springfield.
 The limitations of the Slums Act manifested themselves in the emergence of slums
 on a large scale. Failure by the Durban City Council to enforce the provisions of the
 Act hy substituting bad houses with proper and decent homes, meant that black
 workers and their families had to live in squatter areas. As will be indicated in the
 next chapter. squatter camps had increased phenomenally by the early forties and this
 was to lead to talks about Umlazi Mission as the answer to the problem.
 11. PROPOSALS BY URBAN BLACKS TO BUY LAND AND THE MISSIONARY
 FACTOR
 Mention has been made that in Durban there was a class of Blacks who had come to
 work and live there on a pennanent basis. Some of these saw the purchasing of land
 by Blacks as a solution to the housing crisis. In 1934, Councillor J.L. Farrel
 received a letter from Emmanuel Mohlala who was head of the Native Settlement
 Scheme in Durban.-m
 Mohlala's proposal was that Blacks should buy sites in the black areas outside the
 incorporated areas on freehold. 373 According to him the settlement of this kind
 m
 372
 373
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial Office,
 Durban Town Clerk File No. 643 J/17 Vol. 3,
 Correspondence received: Medical Officer of Health  
Town Clerk, 4 December, 1934.
 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial office,
 Durban Town Clerk File No. 643 J18 Vol. 6,
 Correspondence received: Mohlala Farrel, 21
 December, 1934.
 Ibid.
99
 would relieve black congestion in the town if similar settlements could be established
 near the towns. In MohlaJa's opinion black owned areas could fall under the
 supervision of the Native Affairs Department. The Department had to encourage the
 Blacks to take up plots in these areas. 37.
 Proposals along the lines suggested by Mohlala were made by other Blacks living in
 Durban. Mr N.M. duli appealed in 1936 to the Durban Corporation to survey land
 and sell it to Blacks so that they would get freehold titles.m Mr Nduli was
 opposed to the policy of building barracks for black city dwellers. 376 He felt that
 the Durban Corporation should do as in the Transvaal where some Blacks owned
 land. 177 He further argued that this had been done for Indians who had been
 allowed to own land all around Durban.m Since land had been sold to Indians, they
 being black too. duli wanted to know why Indians were allowed to enjoy more
 rights than other Blacks. J7'l He was also concerned that all aliens had bought land
 at a very low price and had obtained estates for themselves and their generations. 380
 0.0. Qwana of the South African Railways, Cartage Department, also wrote to the
 Editor of "I1anga" expressing his grievance about the high rents of between 3 and 5
 pounds that they were now paying on Glebes when it had been between ten shillings
 and I pound before.m He felt that it would be better rather if the white priests
 sold the Glebes to them. J81 Had they been paying such rent towards houses of their
 Ibid.
 375
 376
 m
 378
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 30 May, 1936, p. 12, (Umthetho
 Omubi Wokususa Abantu).
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 J&I Ilanga Lase Natali, 28 March, 19?36, p. 11 (othi
 Makuthengwe amaGlebe).
 312 Ibid.
100
 own. he pointed out. lhey would have built expensive houses of their own. 383
 Al Lamonlville 100 some residents were keen to find out whether it was possible for
 BJa.:b to lease land al lhe localion for lhe purpose of building their own houses.31l4
 A similar proposal was made by residents of Blackhurst (Chesterville) 385, where
 lhe City Council decided to lease 57 plots to Blacks provided their dwellings
 conformed 10 standards laid down by the City Council.336
 [n principle lhe Cily Council had approved the setting aside of an area at the Larnont
 Localion wherein Blacks would be permitled to lease siles for the erection of their
 own COllages under supervision and in accordance with plans 10 be submitled by the
 City Engineer.?I " In 1939 Mayor Fleming Johnston reported that these applications
 were referred 10 lhe Union Department of Native Affairs for the approval of the
 Governor-General. '"
 [n general lhe Durban Blacks clamoured for recognition as full citizens of the city
 who were entitled to all the rights and privileges enjoyed by other racial groups.
 Land ownership was one of the rights they clamoured for. The struggle by the people
 of Umlazi Mission for freehold rights should thus be seen against this background.
 It was part of a general climate that was prevailing among enlightened Blacks in
 Durban. [t is not surprising therefore that in the forties this struggle intensified at
 Umlazi when, contrary to expectation, the residents there were told that the land they
 Ji3
 384
 385
 381
 Ibid.
 Minutes of Lamont Native Location Advisory Board, 24
 August, 1938.
 According to Mayors Minute, 1946, p. 14, Blackhurst
 was renamed "Chesterville" in 1946 in honour of Hr T.
 J. Chester, who then was Manager of the Native
 Administration Board, Durban.
 Mayors Minute, 1939, p. 13.
 Minutes of the Lamont Native Location Advisory Board,
 24 August, 1938.
 Mayors Minute, 1939 p. 13.
101
 wished to own was seen to be suitable for an urban township.
 There is indication that some missionaries were concerned about lack of proper
 living accommodation for a vast majority of Blacks in Durban. This feeling was
 explicitly expressed by the atal Missionary Conference which represented the
 missionaries of Natal and Zululand which met in Durban in 20 and 21 June
 (1934).?..' This conference passed a resolution to the Council of Durban. In this
 resolution the missionaries made it clear that they were opposed to the getting
 together in Durban of many thousands of black male workers from Natal and
 Zululand and their consequent absence for extended periods from their wives. This
 system the missionaries saw as prejudicial to the best and highest interests of the
 Blacks and undoubtedly led to much immorality.J90 The resolution of the
 conference contained the following words:
 .... hereby respectfully and earnestly urges the Borough
 Council of Durban to proceed as speedily as possible with its
 expressed purpose of providing a Native village or township
 where the atives may be located with their wives
 and children.?N '
 This proposal did not by any means suggest that the Durban Town Council should
 acquire Umlazi Mission lands for the purpose of building a township there for Blacks.
 It does, however, point to the fact that the Durban Town Council came under
 pressure to acquire land to establish a township that would alleviate the housing
 problems facing the Durban Blacks.
 12. THE SOUTHWARD EXPANSION OF DURBAN AND UMLAZI
 Special attention should be paid to the fact that although Durban was expanding north,
 west and south, it was mainly in the southward direction that industrial expansion was
 ?9 Natal Archives, Pietermaritzburg Colonial office,
 Durban Town Clerk File No, 643 J18, Vol. 2.
 Ibid .
 .nu.g.
102
 taking place. This was so because land such as the areas near Clairwood and
 Wemwonh was found to be suited to industrial expansion and Municipal services of
 light. power and water together with road and rail facilities were all at hand. 392
 Consequently after 1932 such areas as Clairwood, lacobs Wentwonh, Merebank and
 Lalllontville were pan of Greater Durban. This development brought the Durban
 Municipal area Closer and closer to Umlazi River and it was logical that any funher
 development in this direction would affect the Mission Station.
 13. CONCLUSION
 Umlazi Mission Station continued to be a rural area and improved socially,
 religiously, eduGltionally and in agriculture. However, the community of UmIazi
 Mission had not succeeded to get freehold rights for the land they occupied but they
 continued to clamour for those rights.
 It emerges from this chapter that from World War I Durban went through a rapid
 economic development. Population explosion which was a direct outcome of this
 development exened pressure on the Durban City Council to incorporate certain areas
 adjoining the -Durban Municipal area. The principle of boundary extension became
 a corner-stone of this industrial development.
 This chapter also shows that some Blacks in Durban were not happy with their
 "visitor" status and aspired to be permanent urban dwellers and landowners. The
 Durban Town Council came to terms with this reality and recognized some black
 workers as permanent Durban citizens. Subsequently black townships emerged. Yet
 the need for more townships existed in order to accommodate the ever increasing
 black population. Land had to be found to build more houses for homeless Blacks.
 Besides, only properly built and properly run townships could meet with the terms
 of the Public Health Act of 1919 and the Slums Act of 1934.
 The Natal Mercury, 30 November, 1931, p. 24, (Port
 Natal's Rapid Forward March).
103
 It has also transpin:d from this chapter that the missionaries of the Anglican Church
 attempted to sell part of Umlazi Mission Glebe. This deal, abortive as it was, created
 a precedent that the Church had arbitrary powers to sell the Mission land. Though,
 legally. the Church was authorized to decide what to do with the land, the event itself
 seems to have signalled to the Durban city authorities that such a deal was feasible
 and negotiable. The foundation had been laid for negotiations to incorporate Umlazi
 Mission.
 Durban south became the major industrial growth point and this development drew
 the rural Umlazi Mission much closer to the Durban area. Umlazi was being
 engulfed by urban areas and its rural isolation was at stake.
I03a
 F14.4 Greater Durban
 R.
 "-t.
 .:"f;..
 ':".. -\,'
 "-~.~".;.~
 :.".. :-
 -.~.
 .. '.
 =
 This 1\1ap indicates the approximate boundaries of Durban after the incorporation of the
 Surrounding Suburbans on 1st August 1932
 sou,,", Cl:' NATA L ." ~ ?c.TO/(i Y ~P;.,..,;;...,......,.,..,......,."....
104
 CHAPTER 5
 INCORPORATION OR NOT?
 I. INTRODUCTION
 The Second World War exacerbated the housing problems in Durban. During the
 War Years Umlazi Mission Station and Reserve and a few areas situated around the
 city were earmarked by the Durban City Council for infrastructural projects including
 Black housing. Consequently a series of talks and debates took place over the future
 development of Umlazi Mission Station.
 The period 1942 to IY48 saw the involvement of various parties who addressed the
 question on whether Umlazi Mission Reserve should be incorporated under Durban
 or not. Howewr. focus in this section will be on the years 1939 - 1945.
 The chapter addresses the following issues:
 Durban? s Black housing crisis and its social repercussions; the
 sale of Umlazi Glebelands; the reasons advanced by the Durban
 City Council for the choice of Umlazi Mission for a Black
 Township; the suggestion of Mr Nicholls, the Provincial
 Administrator of Natal, to include Umlazi Mission Reserve
 under a Durban County Council and the reaction by Blacks at
 Umlazi Mission to the proposal to incorporate Umlazi Mission
 Reserve to Durban.
 The chapter shows how the perception of Blacks concerning the question of individual
 land ownership was in direct conflict with the views and objective of the Durban City
 Council to set a Black township at Umlazi Mission.
 2. SECOND WORLD WAR CONDITIONS AND THE PROBLEM OF BLACK
 HOUSING IN DURBAN
 In Durban the outbreak of the Second World War brought the most serious shortage
105
 of Black housing. There was a large and rapid influx of population into the city due
 to increasing deterioration of the reserves and the rapid development of commerce,
 industry and shipping in the city stimulated by the WAr effortl93? An estimated
 Black population of 68,450 out of a total population of 251,864, was reported394?
 The Durban City ?Council embarked on new development work to meet the housing
 problems of Blacks to some extent. Firstly, the Council acquired an area of 290
 acres known as Blackhurst Estate in the western part of the citY95. The City
 Council further authorised the release of 37 3/4 acres at Merebank and adjacent to the
 Lamont Location in the southern position of the city, for the establishment of a Black
 Males'Hostel'''''. The Merebank Hostel was planned to house 5,000 males397 ?
 A hostel for Black females was also proposed at Eastern Vlei. 393 Another scheme
 proposed in 1941 was the extension of Lamont Village by providing a further 182
 suh-economic houses for Black workers and their families. 399
 Despite these new housing schemes, there was still a demand for Black housing. The
 Durban City Council had to embark on a comprehensive housing scheme if it was to
 meet the needs of its Black workers.
 The limited land resources caused the City Council to stick to its old principle of
 perpetual land acquisition. This is clearly illustrated by the records of the Mayor of
 39.1 L. Torr: "The History of Lamont" History News,
 (Journal of Natal History Teachers Association, Vol.
 24,) p. 61-
 394 Mayors Minute, 1941, p. 7.
 305 Mayors Minute, 1939, p.13 .
 396 Ibid.
 397 Mayors Minute, 1942, p. 11.
 3'll! Mayors Minute, 1943, p. 6.
 39'l Mayors Minute, 1942, p. 6.
106
 Durban. R. Ellis Brown. who in 1942, reported as follows:
 The pressing necessity of securing suitable land for the whole
 of th~ City Council's Native Housing programme, which aims
 at ultiIllatdy providing at l~ast 3,000 homes for Natives has
 b~~n inv~stigat~d and subject to certain minor difficulties being
 met it is expected that additional land will be acquired. 400
 3. THE SALE OF THE GLEBELANDS TO THE DURBAN CITY COUNCIL
 One of the areas that was found to be suitable for a Black Township was Umlazi
 Glehdand and th~ adjacent Umlazi Mission Reserve. Accordingly a scheme was
 prepared and approved by the City Council for acquiring Umlazi Mission
 Reserve.'''' The Mayor, R. Ellis Brown, announced in 1942 that the acquisition of
 the Reserve was at that time awaiting the consent of the Minister of Native
 Affairs."'''
 Whilst the position of Umlazi Mission Reserve was still being negotiated with the
 Minister. the City Council went ahead with the plan to purchase a portion of Umlazi
 Gleheland from the Anglican Church.
 [t should be borne in mind that, as explained in Chapter I, the two parts of the
 Mission Station (The Glebe and the Reserve) were administered differently, As
 outright grants to mission bodies, glebes were church properties. In the case of
 Umlazi Mission the Glebeland consisted of freehold land vested in the Diocesan
 Trustees for the Church of the Province of South Africa.4m This implies that the
 Anglican Church was at liberty to dispose of the land should the need arise.
 40U
 401
 402 Ibid.
 state Archives,
 (Annexure H),
 Evidence.
 Pretoria, Evidence of Bishop of Natal,
 NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve
107
 [n pursuit of Durban City Council 's plans, in January [942 it was made known that
 Durban would spend 16000 pounds on land for Black housing at Umlazi Glebe."'"
 This proposal came before the Finance Committee of the Durban City Council on 5
 January 1942 from rhe City Valuator and Estates Manager, Mr A.E. Mallinson."'"
 The land that the City Council purchased was over [75 acres in extent. 406 It was
 situated on the southern banks of the Um[azi River. The land was bounded on the
 east by the main South Coast Road and Reunion Station was situated about the centre
 of rhe eastern boundary. The land rose in an easy slope to the top of the crest and
 wenr a little distance down the other side. 4tO
 One uf the conditiuns in the provisional agreement was that the land, with the
 exception of a small strip bordering the main South Coast road, would be used solely
 for purposes of housing Blacks.'"'" Another condition was that the sellers of the
 land. the Anglican Church Trust Board) would bear the costs of transfer.409
 Umlazi Gleheland was found to be admirably suitable for Black housing especially
 be<:ause it furmed a natural extension to Lamont Village.4I0
 There is evidence to show that during these years the Anglican Church at Umlazi
 wished to expand its activities on the mission but was unable to do so because of
 inadequate funds. One area which the church wished to improve was education.
 ,,,. The Natal Daily News, 5 January, 1942, p. 5 (More Land
 for Natives - Proposed Extension of Housing Scheme).
 405 Ibid.
 406 Ibid.
 407 Ibid.
 4Ol! Ibid.
 4O'l Ibid.
 410 Ibid.
108
 The records of the representatives of residents of Umlazi Mission Reserve (who in
 1945 opposed the decision of the Durban Municipality to transfer Umlazi Mission to
 Durban) show how education was a central factor behind the sale of the Glebeland.
 The Committee of Representatives wrote:
 Partly in response to our requests for a higher and properly
 planned e(1ucational system, the church has recently sold its
 Glebelands to the intent that money may be available for
 increasing schools; for building industrial schools and
 generally to provide a more adequate and efficient staff for all
 necessary work on the mission.4I '
 The motive to obtain money from the sale of the Glebe was also linked to the
 prohlems emanating from the geographic location of the mission. The Glebeland was
 situated between the Main South Coast Road and the Mission Reserve. The then
 Bishop of Natal has pointed out in his record that because of its proximity to the
 Main Road and Railway the mission had experienced some difficulty in controlling
 the land abutting on the Municipal boundary because of the intrusion of unauthorised
 non-mission Blacks.""
 Believing that the uevelopment of this property by the Durban Corporation (in a
 manner which was beyond the finances of the mission) to be of benefit to the Blacks,
 the Trustees agreed to sell the Glebe.4l3 The sale was based on the condition that
 the capital money realised by the sale would be used by the church for the extension
 of its school buildings, and mission work and especially in the Umlazi Mission
 Reserve."'4
 state Archives, Pretoria, Memorandum of Umlazi
 Reserve Representatives (Annexure C), NTS
 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 Mission
 915/56
 4.2
 413
 414
 State Archives,
 (Annexure H)
 Evidence,
 Ibid.
 .I!il4.
 Pretoria, Evidence of Bishop of Natal,
 NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve
109
 Rev. A.H. Zulu has also left on record that the Glebeland was sold by the Anglican
 Church on condition that the proceeds would be utilised for educational purposes.
 He points out that the Anglican Church justified its action by arguing that there were
 only 35 tenants found on the Glebe and attempts to encourage people to live there had
 failed."'; This situation seems to have had an adverse effect on the revenue of the
 Church since less tenants meant that less rent was received.
 Dr Nzimande also pointed out that the Glebe, with the few tenants living on it was
 not earning sufficient revenue for the Church which wanted money for expansion
 work. Subsequently the Church at Enwabi and the Commercial School at the Mission
 Station were built with a portion of the proceeds from the sale of the Glebe.416
 The problems described above explain why the Anglican Church sold the Glebeland
 to the Durban City Council. But it must be remembered that in 1929 the Durban
 Municipality had attempted to purchase the mission lands long before the church had
 problems. It may be assumed therefore that the two parties had entertained the idea
 of "striking a deal" for some time.
 By its doings the Anglican Church had consciously or unconsciously set a new
 process in motion - the handing of the churchlands to the Durban City Council.
 In August 1943 Mr T.J. Chester, manager of Native Administration Department,
 Durban, indicated that the construction of 700 houses would take place at Umlazi
 Glebe. 4I1 Half this number, that is 350, would be built during the first five years
 and the rest during the second live years.418 At Umlazi Mission Reserve 2,250
 homes could be built with 1400 built during the first five years and 850 following
 4'5
 416
 state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Rev. A.H. Zulu,
 NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 A.M. Nzimande: Umlazi Township, 13 April, 1987.
 417 Report of T.J. Chester, 1 August, 1942.
 Minute, 1942, p. 91.
 Ibid.
 Mayors
110
 dUring th~ >econd period of lIve years .? ,.
 Such was th~ position with regard to the land deal between the Anglican Church and
 the Durban City Council. The future plans of the City Council show that buying part
 of the Umlazi Gl~be was only a preliminary step towards negotiating for the transfer
 of the whole MiSsion Station. But as will be indicated later the sale of the Glebe
 aroused much resentment and criticism from some Black leaders.
 4. THE GROWTH OF THE BOOTH ROAD AND CATO MANOR SLUM AREAS
 By 1944 the continued intlux of non-Europeans (both Indian and Blacks) in Durban,
 had resulted in overcrowding of existing premises and the development of
 shack-housing. '2" One of the informal settlements that triggered a debate about
 Umlazi Mission Reserve was Booth Road and Cato Manor.
 Since 1928 there had been scattering isolated shacks at Cato Manor and Booth
 Road. HI This area was initially owned by Indian banana growers. It lay between the
 southern spur of the Berea Ridge and Chesterville and was approximately within three
 kilometres of the industrial site of Central Durban and within five kilometres of the
 industrial areas of Mobeni and Jacobs.on
 The whole of the area comprised broken country. It was incorporated into the
 Durban Borough in 1932 and consisted of 'approximately SOO acres of alternating
 valley. hill and ridges. whilst a good deal of it was used for agriculture.423
 'I'
 :lltl
 421
 422
 4n
 llUsi?
 Mayors Minute, 1944, p. 14.
 G. Maasdorp and A.S.B. Humphreys (Eds):
 Shantytown to Towuship, p. 14.
 Iili?
 Report of Inspector of Locations and Manaqer Muni~i~al
 Native Administration, M_orandlm for Jud1.c1.al
 Commission on Native Affairs in Durban, 1947.
111
 Over the years Booth Road and Cato Manor attracted many Blacks who came to live
 and work in Durban. A few factors caused Blacks to seek accommodation at Cato
 Manor and Booth Road. Firstly, no adequate housing was provided for Blacks in
 Durban. Thus in the absence of Municipal and employer provided accommodation
 Blacks were obliged to rent sites from Indian landowners.424
 Secondly Black workers could rent sites cheaply where they could construct home
 made shelters.m Thirdly, these areas had the advantage of curtailing travelling
 costs for most Black workers. They were close to the city and industrial areas where
 most Blacks were employed.m
 The fourth factor was the corn mercial one. The Indian landowners found that the
 leasing of land was more profitable than market gardening.421 It was reported that
 Black squatters, in the majority of cases, paid seven shillings and six pence (an
 equivalent of 75 cel1ls) per month for the privilege of being allowed to erect their
 humble scrap iron houses on Indian owned properties.428 Many Indian-owned sites
 had more than 30 shanties erected and sometimes as many as 150 shanties could be
 counted in one property. 42" In this way many Indian land-owners became rich and a
 class of slum-landlords emerged.430
 The popularity of infonnal cottages led to the explosion of the population of
 424
 425
 42.
 427
 42"
 430
 Maasdorp and Humphreys: From Shantytown ...? p. 14.
 The Natal Mercury, 28 December, 1945, p. 6. (The Daily
 Forum - Native Farming at Booth Road).
 Ibid. The word shanty refers to a poorly built hut; a
 shabby dwelling or house, also called shack. A
 shantytown is that section of a city where there are
 many shanties or ramshakle houses.
 Maasdorp and Humphreys: From Shantytown ???. p. 14.
 f
112
 shack-dwellers in Booth Road and Cato Manor. In the Booth Road area alone there
 were 5 000 Blacks residing in 7 000 shanties in 1943 and by 1944 these figures had
 risen to 17000 and 3000 respectively431 In 1948 an estimated 27 000 Blacks was
 reported. ~."
 Perhaps the conditions at Cato Manor and Booth Road would have been of no serious
 consequence for Durban and Umlazi Mission had it not been for social problems the
 area created. Overcrowding. unemployment, crime, and diseases characterised this
 informal settlement.
 The Broome Commission that began its investigation on black problems in Durban
 in 1947 (whose findings and recommendations are discussed in detail in Chapter 7)
 found crime to be particularly disturbing at Booth Road and Cato Manor. During the
 six months immediately preceding the Commission's sittings in Cato Manor alone
 there were twenty cases of murder and six of rape and the monthly average of other
 offences was robbery 16. serious assault 27, common assault 67 and liquor law
 contravention 101.""
 Conditions at Booth Road and Cato Manor also provided considerable scope of the
 ex istence of an informal sector. There were for example, unlicensed traders,
 shack-builders. hawkers and pedlers. H4 The sale of Zulu beer, though illegal, was
 a very popular business. The "Natal Mercury" reported early in 1946 that each week
 between 2 000 and 4 000 gallons of "isishimeyane" (a potent and dangerous Zulu
 432
 433
 434
 statistical figures from the Report of the Broome
 Commission on "Housing" in Memorandum for the JUdicial
 Commission on Native Affairs in Durban 1947 (Chapters
 vi - ix).
 Maasdorp and Humphreys: From Shantytown ???? p. 14.
113
 beer) was found and disposed of by the police in the Cato Manor area.m
 The whole social scenario at Booth Road and Cato Manor triggered a debate among
 local authorities as to the causes of the problems in the area and how best they could
 be dealt with. Since Booth Road and Cato Manor were part of the Borough of
 Durban, the onus fell on the shoulders of the Durban City Council to improve
 conditions .in these areas.
 Attempts by the Durban City Council to compel Indian landowners to provide basic
 sanitation were held up by protracted litigation.436 Besides, many landowners
 would rather have evicted their tenants than provide these services.m
 The problem of overcrowding and shanties, in the view of the Broome Commission,
 could not be solved by the deportation of shack dwellers to the reserves because
 nearly all the menfolk and many of the women were usefully employed in
 Durban 438
 Reporting on the possibility of developing Cato Manor and Booth Road areas Mr
 H.A. Smith, City and Water Engineer, said a water supply and an improvement to
 the road system would cost 14 200 pounds (an equivalent of R28 4(0).439 But such
 expenditure would, in his opinion, benefit the very landowners who were benefitting
 by rack-renting as there would be a radical increase in the value of the land.440
 435 The Natal Mercury, 11 January, 1946, p. 6. (Police to
 stamp out Shimeyana)
 Maasdorp and Humphreys: From Shantvtown .. , p. 15.
 437 Ibid.
 43 Report of
 Memorandum
 Affairs in
 the Broome Commission on "Housing" in
 for the Judicial Commission on Native
 Durban, 1947, (Chapters vi - ix).
 of City and Water Engineer to Town Clerk
 17 November, 1943, in Memorandum for the
 Commission on Native Affairs in Durban, 1947.
 Report
 Durban,
 Judicial
 439
114
 Besides. the physical nature of the area itself would make such a project difficult.
 The Broome Commission hinted on this as follows:
 The immediate provision of water and sanitation is another
 suggested remedy but the provision of these services (and of
 the roads which must precede them) to an irregularly
 urbanise<i and ropographically difficult area is quite
 impracticable. '-'I
 The only solution. Mr Smith stressed. was accommodation in housing schemes and
 hostels.-'" It became imperative therefore for the Durban City Council to look for
 suitahle land elsewhere where better housing for the Booth Road and Cato Manor
 squatters. might he pruvided. This strengthened the idea of acquiring UmIazi Mission
 Reserve. Various other reasons made the Durban City Council to take interest in
 Umlazi Mission Reserve. These are discussed in some detail below.
 5. REASONS FOR THE CHOICE OF UMLAZI MISSION RESERVE FOR AN
 URBA BLACK TOWNSHIP
 In 1943 the City Council ,Ippointed the Special Post War Development Committee to
 make a comprehensive investigation of the city's requirements in Black housing."3
 As indicated in the preciOUS chapter industrial development in Durban took a
 southerly direction. Already in 1941 the representatives of the City Council had
 appeared before the Inter-Departmental Committee on social, health and economic
 conditions of Blacks in urban areas. To this Committee they recommended, in the
 .141 Extract from the Report of the Broome commission on
 "Housing" in Memorandum for the Judicial Commission on
 Native Affairs in Durban, 1947 (Chapters vi - ix).
 Report on City and water Engineers to Town Clerk
 Durban, 17 November, 1943, in Memorandum for the
 Judicial Commission on Native Affairs in Durban, 1943.
 Memorandum for the Minister of Native Affairs from
 Town Clerk, Durban, (Annexure B), February, 1945,
 Memorandum for the JUdicial commission on Native
 Affairs in Durban (Chapter vi - ix).
115
 interests of black family life, the creation of locations or villages at distances of from
 ten to twenty miles from the city.""
 To ootain land that was not far from the city the City Council suggested that the
 Government should consider making available to the city Council a large tract of land
 on the South Coast. W The choice of the South Coast was also influenced by the
 transport factor. Thus the Special Committee made a similar recommendation in
 September 1943 and stated its case as follows:
 The question of land for Black housing is perhaps the most difficulty of solution
 owing to the fact that the Council has to interpret the Government's policy in such
 a manner as will not bring about hardship in regard to transport and for this reason
 it i, felt that major development should be in a Southerly direction where rail
 transport is more readily available than in a Northerly direction.-
 Accordingly, the City Council, acting on the advice of the Special Committee,
 lobbied with the South African Railways and Harbours administration to provide
 railway facilities within Umlazi Mission Reserve. They recommended that the
 Mission Reserve be set aside for purposes of Black housing.'"
 In 1943, Councillor Barns outlined the Council's proposals to the development of an
 area on the South Coast for Black purposes. The Council appealed for the
 administration's co-operation in the provision of direct railway facilities into the area
 from Reunion Station ....? This area was deemed suitable for all purposes. It was
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Report of the City Council's special post-War
 Development Committee, september, 1943, Memorandum for
 the Judicial Commission on Native Affairs in Durban
 (Chapter vi - ix).
 44' Ibid.
 Minutes of council-in:'Committee, Durban Town Clerk
 File No. 1{1{1{2{12, 15 September, 1943.
116
 found t:unveniem for industrial purposes, as it was only SIX lO seven miles from
 Congella industrial area and very handy to transporl. ..?
 In 1943 the Durban City Council held another meeting with the then Minister of
 Transport, the Hon. Mr F.C. Sturrock. In that meeting the Minister stated that the
 first step was for? the Municipality to indicate to the railways the details of its Black
 housing proposals in [he South Coast area!5U The railway would then investigate
 the matter to see if a spur line would be practical!51
 Another proposal was made about a rail access to the Duffs Road area. 452 The
 Mayor ElIis Brown, pointed out that it had been agreed that Municipal Engineers
 would survey the areas both at Umlazi and Duffs Road in respect of their Black and
 Indian housing schemes."H The Administration would then examine the proposals
 to provide rail fat:ilities lO serve these areas. 454
 The Minister of Transport, however, stated that his present information at that time
 was that no special request had been made for the spur line and therefore the matter
 had not been fully investigated.455
 These events show that the Durban City Council worked in close co-operation with
 the Railway Administration to incorporate Umlazi Mission Reserve. The City
 Council also seemed to be encouraged by the preparedness of the Railway Department
 to forge ahead with its plans.
 ... Ibid.
 "S<' Ibid.
 451 Ibid.
 452 Ibid.
 453 Ibid.
 454
 .nu.g.
 455 Ibid.
117
 The City Coullcil hat! agreed to acquire the residue of the Umlazi Glebelands where
 it was expected that 750 houses could be built.'56 However, this number was
 insufticient to overtakt: the then situation.
 Without laking into account normal expansion, the City Council came into conclusion
 that the Governmel1l should be approached with a view to making available to the
 City Council Umlazi Mission Reserve for Black housing. The Special Committee
 was informed that some 800 to 900 families were domiciled upon the Mission
 Reserve.m They also learned from the Railway Department that some 264 weekly
 and 43 monthly season tickets were taken out by Blacks residing on the Reserve and
 travelling to work in the city.m
 At"tt:r inspecting several areas of land on the borders of the city, the Special
 Committee strongly recommended that the Government be asked favourably to
 consider legislation whereby the Umlazi Mission Reserve would be made available
 free of charge to tht: City Council. The City Council could then carry its plans and
 establish on the acquired land a Black location in which scheme the families residing
 on the Reserve would be absorbed.'59 The Committee pointed out that the reason
 for this action was that the growth of the iCity and its important position in the
 Southern Hemisphere required urbanisation of the Mission Reserve. The city could
 then maintain its said position and adequately take its part in the development of the
 Union. ,on
 '.1<>
 4S7
 ? S<
 Memorandum from the Town Clerk, Durban,
 Minister of Native Affairs (Annexure A),
 1945, Memorandum for the Judicial Commission
 Affairs in Durban (Chapter vi - ix).
 Ibid .
 Ibid.
 to the
 February
 on Native
 to the
 February
 of Native
 Memorandum from the Town Clerk, Durban,
 Minister of Native Affairs (Annexure A),
 1945, Memorandum for the Judicial Commission
 Affairs in Durban (Chapter iv - ix).
118
 On 27 September 1943 the City Council adopted the recommendations made by the
 Special Committee which were presented as follows:
 (i) That the decision of the Council to acquire the residue of the Umlazi Glebe
 Lands be re-affirmed.
 (ii) That the. Union Government be requested to favourably consider the
 introduction of legislation whereby the Umlazi Mission Reserve comprising
 7,527 acres, and more specifically referred to in the schedule of the Native
 Areas Act 1913, shall be made available to the City Council free of charge for
 the establishment of a Black location.
 (iii) That the Railways Administration be approached with a view to their
 constructing a spur line from the South Coast Railway into the Umlazi Glebe
 Lands and the considerable area west thereof, so as to provide (when the
 South Coast Railway was electrified) a speedy and cheap means of enabling
 dwellers in the proposed Black housing scheme to reach their work in the
 growing industrial area at the Southern end of the City.46'
 The City Council was particularly interested in the Umlazi Mission Reserve. The
 Mayor pointed out in 1943, that the Council possessed no land which was suitable for
 development for BLack housing purposes.462 The Reserve accommodated
 comparatively few families whereas the Council was anxious to develop Black
 hOllsing accommodation in order to provide the needs of industry in Durban.463 For
 this reason the Council needed the whole of the Reserve and would spend a
 considerable amount thereon in order to make it available for Blacks.464 The
 Council also desired to house the Blacks as near as possible to where they were
 461
 462
 463
 Notes of proceedings at informal meeting between city
 Councillors, Durban Senators, Members of Parliament
 and Provincial councillors, 5 January, 1945.
I19
 ~mploy~d.'.5
 Aft~r adopting these recommendations the City Council made representations to the
 Government on th~ subject. However before this happened the City Council's
 proposals were ref~rred to and carefully examined by the Natal Provincial Post War
 Works and Reconstruction Commission. this Commission had been established by
 the Administration un 4 March, 1943. The Commission then recommended that the
 proposed acquisition of Umlazi Mission Reserve for the purpose of establishing
 thereon an urban Black Township, be approved subject to adequate compensation in
 the form of other suitable land being made available to rural Blacks in Natal.466
 In making this recummendation, the Commission stated that it was influenced by the
 following considerations.
 (i) That adequate provision would have to be made at that time for housing the
 ever-increasing number of urbanized Blacks employed in Durban, together
 with their families. in strategically situated areas to the north and the south of
 the city to supply the labour required in the northern and southern halves of
 the Borough respectively.
 (ii) That the Umlazi Umlazi Mission Reserve was ideally situated for serving
 the southern hal f by reason of its proximity to the existing and potential
 industrial area stretching from the head of the Bay to the Umbongintwini
 River and alsu on account of its accessibility to rapid road and rail transport.
 (iii) That as it was understood that some 800 to 900
 Black families were domiciled in that Reserve and that approximately 264 weekly and
 43 monthly season tickets were purchased by members of these families to eilable
 Ibid.
 Memorandum from the Town Clerk, Durban, to the
 Minister of Native Affairs (Annexure A), February
 1945, Memorandum for the Judicail Commission on Native
 Affairs in Durban (Chapters vi - ix).
120
 them to travel to and from employment in the city, the Reserve was actually well on
 the way to urbanisation.
 (iv) That if it were convened to an urban location for the said purpose the existing
 population and any accretions thereto could be adequately housed and provided
 with essential services and amenities under proper control and supervision.
 (v) That there was no other land of sufficient acreage in the locality which could
 be acquired for the pUrpose.467
 The Natal Provincial Post-War Works and Reconstruction Commission, however, did
 not look only to the southerly direction but provision for Black urbanisation of the
 same character and for the same purpose was recommended to the north of the
 city.-
 The Post-War Commission also envisaged the use of Umlazi Mission Reserve as a
 housing scheme ti,r Blacks who would be evicted from Blackhurst Location. The
 Post-War COlllmission was opposed to the existence of a Native island at Blackhurst
 where there were between 10,000 to 14,000 Blacks.469 It was proposed that the
 Black area should be wiped out entirely and that area should be allocated for Indian
 settlements corresponding to the large Indian population there. At the conclusion of
 the meeting the representatives of the local bodies intimated that they were in
 agreement with the proposals which were envisaged.?m
 Temporarily the City Council had produced a plan to provide an outlet on the basis
 467
 ''lU
 Memorandum from the Town Clerk, Durban, to the
 Minister of Native Affairs (AnnexUre B), September
 1945, Memorandum for the Judicial Commission on Native
 Affairs.in Durban (Chapter vi - ix).
 Ibid.
121
 of temporary housing on the Umlazi Glebe Lands part of which the City Council had
 already bought from the Anglican Church. With a view to determining whether the
 provision for temporary dwellings with basic sanitary and water services could be
 undertaken authority was granted to the erection of 4 experimental houses of wattle
 and daub type of the Umlazi Glebe Lands.""
 In the meantime negotiations to acquire Umlazi Mission Reserve continued. There
 is reason to believe that besides the factors put forward by the local authorities,
 Umlazi Mission Reserve suited itself well for acquisition because the City Council
 would not incur any financial losses on it. Asked why the Durban City Council was
 particularly interested in Umlazi Mission when there might have been other aneas that
 could be used for that purpose, Dr Nzimande pointed out that most of the land around
 Durban was White owned and it would be expensive.471 This the City Council did
 not admit explicitly. In 1945 the Mayor R. Ellis Brown, stressed the fact that the
 question of cheapness never entered the picture as far as the Council was
 concerned. 47l Dr Nzimande's point, however, should be accepted because, as
 mentioned already. the City Council wished that the Government should make the
 Reserve available "free of charge" to it. Again the Mayor pointed out that if the
 Council was required to pay heavily for Urqlazj then it would affect the financial
 interests of the Blacks, as a higher rent would be paid.414
 In 5 February, 1945, the City Council raised the issue of acquiring Umlazi Mission
 Reserve. For the consideration of the Minister of Native Affairs Major P. van der
 Byl. they adopted the following resolution:
 That as the Natal Provincial Post-War Works and
 <71
 4n
 473
 47'
 Mayors Minute, 1945, p. 12.
 A.M. Nzimande: Umlazi Township, 6 April, 1986.
 Notes of Proceedings of Informal Meeting between City
 councillors, Durban Senators, members of Parliament
 and Provincial councillors, 5 January 1945.
 .nag.
122
 Reconstruction Commission has now approved of the Council's
 proposals regarding the acquisition of the Umlazi Mission
 Reserve for the purpose of establishing thereon an urban Native
 Township, and in order to enable further progress to be made
 in this connection the Government be asked to give some
 indication as to their acceptance of the City Council's policy
 for the future development of this area.m
 It should be stressed. however that though the Special Post War Development
 Committee and the Natal Post War Works and Reconstruction Commission were both
 agreed on the proposal to acquire Umlazi Mission Reserve they were not agreed on
 the future position of the Black residents there. Whereas the Post-War Commission
 recommended that Umlazi Mission Reserve be acquired subject to adequate
 compensation in the form of "other suitable land being made available to Natives",
 the Special Committee had talked about the "absorption of the families" living on the
 Reserve. This point featured prominently in the debates that followed about the
 future of Umlazi Mission Reserve.
 However. before studying the recommendations of the Minister of Native Affairs it
 is important to examine the views of Mr Nicholls, the Administrator of Natal.
 6. SUGGESTION BY NlCHOLLS TO fNCLUDE UMLAZI MISSION RESERVE
 UNDER A DURBAN COUNTRY COUNCIL
 The idea of the Durban City Council to incorporate Umlazi Mission Reserve under
 Durban, received the support of Mr G. Heaton Nicholls, the Administrator of Natal.
 A conference was held in November 1943 in Durban where the Minister of Native
 Affairs. Major P. van der Byl and his advisors met with the Durban City Council to
 475 Extract from Memorandum of Town Clerk, Durban, to the
 Minister of Native Affairs, (Annexure A), February
 1945, Memorandum for the JUdicial commission of Native
 Affairs in Durban- (Chapter vi - ix).
123
 discuss issues related to Blacks in and around Durban.476 Mr Nicholls was the
 guest speaker in that conference. Also in attendance were representatives of the Natal
 Provincial Executive Municipality Health and Post-War Commission and local
 authorities at Pinetown, Westville, Malvern and Kloof.4n
 M~or van der Byl had arrived in Durban earlier that month in the course of an
 extensive tour of Black areas. His aim was to "see for himself" - to inspect Black
 housing conditions and to discuss Black problems with the employers of labour and
 the Blacks themselves. 478 This occasion was also used to discuss the future
 development of Umlazi Mission Reserve.
 [n his speech Mr Nicholls explained that with the expansion of industry Durban's
 black population increased phenomenally and at that time Durban had a greater
 density of population per square mile than any city in the Union.479 He stated that
 there would be a tremendous extension of Durban as a harbour and a manufacturing
 centre.
 Mr Nicholls acknowledged the fact that large numbers of Blacks and Indians lived in
 areas where no public health, housing or sanitation facilities existed and where no
 form of control was exercised.4llO He furthet admitted that the process of cleaning
 up slums was slow. This was largely because of many vested interests concerned and
 that land for Black townships was no longer available.431
 47.
 477
 478
 431
 AT..uh'5e'-JN~a!!:t~a.......l,. -!'D!.5a!.oli,-!l!o..;Yt.....-N"-,,,ew.!!.2s I 9 November 1943 I p. 1 (County
 Council Urged Administration on Expansion of
 Durban) ?
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
124
 [n these circumstances Mr Nicholls suggested the creation of a Durban County
 Council to co-ordinate the development of greater Durban including the suburbs and
 Black selllement on its boundaries."2 Such a Council would be able to control the
 interests of the White. Black and Indian residents especially the two latter groups. 483
 The Council that Nicholls visualised would be responsible for the general
 administration of Durban and suburbs. Under the County Council would be smaller
 councils some purely White, as in the case of the old Durban Borough; some Indian
 as in the case of Cato Manor and Springfield; and some Black as in the case of
 Umlazi Mission Reserve.""" Nicholls felt that Mission Reserves like Umlazi and
 Inanda having undergune a change should be included under Greater Durban. By this
 he meant that these two Mission Reserves were no longer purely rural. There were
 for instance 900 families settled in the Umlazi mission Reserve who worked in
 Durban.""
 The Administrator pointed out that the Mission Reserves could no longer be regarded
 as purely "salvation" centres...? Although parts of the Reserves had become
 urbanized, no form uf local government existed for the Blacks. These were problems
 wh ich the con ference had to face and this is how, according to Nicholls, the County
 Council would help solve these problems.
 Under this scheme the Durban County Council would take over the supply of
 electricity, water and housing and possibly public health. The local authorities would
 carry out all the local functions which they were more of less carrying out at the time
 leaving to the Greater Durban County all questions concerning the area as a whole.
 412 Ibid.
 413 Ibid .
 ... Ibid. p. 3.
 48, Thj,g ?
 ... Ibid.
125
 In reply the Minister of Native Affairs, Major van der Byl, said that the scheme
 outlined by the Administrator and the points raised on the agenda before the
 conference were very important. In his opinion the whole scheme needed the
 appointment of a C.ommission to collect all the necessary facts before anything was
 done. m
 The Minister further pointed out that the rapid growth of illegal Black settlements on
 the outskirts of a city was a problem not peculiar to Durban but occurred at the big
 towns of the Union. Thus all other centres would be interested in what Durban
 eventually would decide to d04~~
 The scheme outlined by Mr Nicholls as a solution for Durban's problems makes it
 apparent that in principle. he was inclining towards the Durban City Council to
 incorporate Umlazi Mission Reserve to Durban.
 However, acquisition of Umlazi Mission Reserve was made difficult by the attitude
 of the Blacks who lived on the Mission Station and the support that they received
 from other leaders.
 7. REACTION BY BLACKS AT UMLAZI MISSION
 By the 1940's there was a fairly large number of educated Blacks in Natal. From this
 elite emerged a few influential figures, who, among other things, conscientized the
 Black people about the importance of owning land. Columns of "IIanga lase Natali,
 a Zulu newspaper published in Durban, were used by Zulu leaders to discuss,
 inter-alia, land-related matters. It was mainly through this newspaper that grievances
 and protests against the transfer of Umlazi Mission to Greater Durban were
 expressed.
 437
126
 The sale of the Glebeland led to immediate and widespread reaction from Blacks.
 Some Blacks were opposed to the proposal to sell the Glebelands to the Durban City
 Council as this would destroy the religious character of the community. Besides, it
 wOlild render the people homeless. Writing in the "Ilanga" Daba and Majola,
 expressed their protest as follows:
 Our question then is; is this land that is being sold not the
 Black people's land? How is it being sold? The seller, who in
 this case is the missionary, when he carries mission work,
 where will the people he ministers be living? You Black
 priests why do you keep quiet when white priests are selling
 your estates? Even a black priest himself what will happen to
 him after some time when he retires where will he live? He
 has no place. This land should instead be sold to the residents
 themsel ves and to the black priests too who should buy sites
 where they will get shelter after retirement.489
 From this statement it is clear that the black people of Umlazi Mission realised that
 mission work would suffer if the mission lands were sold. Besides, the stability and
 security of the mission community was now at stake. That the Anglican Church took
 a unilateral decision in selling the land is implicit in this statement. Dr Nzimande,
 however, points out that the Anglican Church was not bound by legislation not to sell,
 the Glebe portion of the land, if they so wished, since it was the property of the
 Ch urch. 4'10
 In spite of this technical oversight, the people of Umlazi Mission, having lived in the
 mission for several decades, felt that they ought to have been consulted if something
 was done about the land. They were opposed to the sale of the Glebelands because
 they felt that if the Church wanted to sell the land it should sell to the Black people,
 that they should cut it up into allotments and establish there a town or village outside
 489
 4911
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 7 February, 1942, p. 6 (About the
 Glebelands at Umlazi Mission).
 A.M. Nzimande: Umlazi Township, 4 April, 1987.
127
 the Municipal area. ",
 In support of the view of Daba and Majola, the editor of the"Ilanga" of 7 February
 1942 aired his views about the intended sale of Umlazi Mission lands which he
 described as "Bitter News"."" While the Mission residents acknowledged that they
 could not raise the kind of money that the Durban City Council had offered to
 purchase Umlazi Glebelands, they felt that some effort could be made to assist them
 to buy the land on terms that could suit their pockets, Stress was made of the fact
 that the Blacks had reached a level in their development whereby they had become
 conscious of the idea of individual land ownership and the value of the soil. The
 editorial comment went as follows:
 It is known that Blacks are now aware that it is more to their
 benetit tu bUy land and that they have now outgrown the
 childish mentality that there is no point in buying land .... In
 our opinion the idea of selling the Umlazi Mission lands to the
 Blacks whu are already living there may not be easy because
 they may not have as much money as the one the Durban
 Corporation is offering to pay. Nevertheless some effort can
 still be made not to rush the transfer of land to the Corporation
 so as to ascertain if the Blacks are capable to secure the land
 for themselves before it falls into the l,Jands of the Corporation
 for guod."??
 Daba and Majola accused the missionaries of the Anglican Church of selling the
 people's land (meaning the land inhabited by Blacks). They found it strange that the
 priests wanted to make money for themselves when they themselves had been granted
 the land free of charge. 494 It should be stressed, however, that the priests of the
 Anglican Church did not sell the land for personal gain. As indicated, the Church
 491
 491
 493
 494
 State Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Rev. A.H. Zulu,
 NTS 915/56 Umlazi mission Reserve Evidence.
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 7 February, 1942, p. 11,
 (Editorial Comment).
 Ibid.
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 7 March, 1942, p.G, (Africans and
 Reserves and General).
128
 was hankrupt and needed money to tinance educational and other Mission projects in
 the interest of the Black residents themselves.
 Apart from writing in the newspaper the residents of Umlazi Mission saw it necessary
 to deal with the crisis by expressing their protests directly to the City Council and the
 Government. A 'press report had announced that the Durban City Council had made
 application to the Government through the Minister of Native Affairs to introduce
 legislation by which Umlazi Mission Reserve should be made available 'free of
 charge" to the City Council."Q5
 In response the residents of the Reserve organised themselves to oppose the
 application. A special Committee was appointed by the residents to represent them
 in the deliberation with the White authorities. This Committee consisted of the
 following members:
 I. Chief Si kwal11a Cele
 2. Rev. A.H. Zulu
 3. Mr C.W. Nxumalo
 4. Mr Z.E.H. Mapumulo (Chairman of eommittee)
 5. Mr nM Mbarnbo
 6. Mr E. Mtayela
 7. Rev. A.O. Msomi"?
 In a memorandum directed to the Government the Committee stated their case against
 the points raised by the Durban City Council.
 The first reason for opposing the decision of the City Council concerned the question
 of citizenship. Politically the status of the black people in towns and of urban
 townships had been described in the Urban Areas Consolidation Act (Act No. 25 of
 .'
 495
 496
 State Archives, Pretoria, Memorandum'of Umlazi mission
 Reserve Representatives (Annexure Cl, NTS 915/56
 Umlazi Mission Reserve Eviaence.
 .nug.
129
 1945). In terms of this Act the Black man was a foreigner in urban areas!'" As
 a foreigner the Black had no hope of attaining responsible citizenship there. Urban
 areas were created in the interests of the Whites. The Committee stated that urban
 locations could not accurately be described as areas administered for the benefit of
 the Black people.'" This point is a clear indication that the people of Umlazi
 mission were fully aware that by accepting a township, they would be surrendering
 their rural independence.
 The second objection concerned urban life itself as it affected Blacks. The Committee
 argued that the whole way of life in urban townships was not in the best interests of
 the Black people. They stated this position categorically as follows:
 Because an urban Native Location exists and is administered in the interests
 of the European population of the city concerned, the manner of family life
 itself; the nature of the houses; the recreational facilities; the economic and
 industrial status of the inhabitants depend, almost entirely upon the decision
 of a local authority. where a Black man's opinion had but a negligible
 intluence. To crown it all, such location may claim no right to security."'"
 The above extract shows that the people of Umlazi Mission had no hope that urban
 life might bring them security and satisfaction. Viewed against the adversities of
 urban life, rural life on the Mission Reserve offered people many benefits. The
 Committee argued that the people' of Umlazi Mission Reserve had made appreciable
 progress and achievement in a number of areas.
 They had over a hundred sugar cane growers and a rapidly growing number of
 regular market gardeners.5OO People at the Mission Reserve had planted thousands
 "91 Ibid.
 "98 Ibid.
 "... Ibid.
 soo Ibid.
130
 of fruit trees such as bananas, mangoes, avocado pears, pineapples and others. SOl
 In the educational field the Committee stated that the Mission Reserve had supplied
 a number of school teachers, nurses, agricultural demonstrators, Ministers of religion,
 carpenters. clerks and shopkeepers."n Good progress had been made in improving
 the local school.?? Classes had been raised to Standard VII.sOJ
 Against this background the Committee made it clear that they were strongly opposed
 to being urbanized but preferred to retain their rural identity. This argument is in
 line with what Dr Nzimande said later. He pointed out that the people of Umlazi
 Mission Reserve lived in a self subsistence economy, tilling the ground, raising their
 own animals such as goats, sheep and cattle which things they could not do in a
 township.5114
 The Committee made it explicit that the people of Umlazi Mission Reserve preferred
 to be landowners ..""
 In demanding freehold rights they were inspired firstly, by the terms of the original
 grant (the Deed of Grant of 1862 and Act No. 49 of 1903 which placed Mission
 Reserves in the hands of the Natal Native Trust for the security and benefit of the
 Blacks living on these Reserves). Secondly they were inspired by the fact that other
 Mission Reserves had been granted freehold rights. As the Committee stated:
 We derived inspiration for making this application, first from the terms of the original
 Deed of Grant, and secondly, from the fact that some residents of Umvoti,
 501
 502
 503
 Ibid.
 A.M. Nzimande: Umlazi Township, 4 April, 1986.
 State Archives, Pretoria, Memorandum of Umlazi Mission
 Reserve Representatives (Annexure Cl NTS 915/56 Umlazi
 Mission Reserve Evidence.
131
 Amanzimtoti, Imfume and Umtalumi Mission Reserves had been granted freehold
 title. jl~
 The Committee was not convinced that Durban wanted Umlazi Mission Reserve
 because the City Council had no place to accommodate its labour. To the
 Committee, Durban was merely shifting their responsibility to the people of Umlazi
 Mission Reserve. In their view, the Committee stated, since Durban was making
 pro tits by this permanent population, the employers of labour in industrial Durban,
 in collaboration with the City Council, must themselves pay for the solution of the
 Black housing problem and not Umlazi Mission Reserve. 5'"
 It is noteworthy that. the refusal of the people of Umlazi Mission Reserve to accept
 a township did not mean that they wanted to cling tenaciously to their traditional way
 of life. As indicated most of them were already enlightened and therefore believed
 in change and progress. 508 The Committee admitted that change in the manner of
 life was inevitable. As Rev. Zulu said:
 We recognise that we are living in a world that is not static and
 we are not static ourselves. We are now living on that Reserve
 very differently from what our fathers used to dO. 509
 I
 Nevertheless the Committee believed that pressure to adopt urban life must arise from
 within the community. They believed that if the people were forced into the
 merciless cauldron of city life without warning and without preparation, the
 consequences would be most devastating. 51O
 lOll
 510
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Rev. A.H. Zulu,
 NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 ~te Archives, Pretoria,-Memorandum of Umlazi Mission
 Representatives (Annexure Cl NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission
 Reserve Evidence.
132
 The ('ommitree admilted that even at that time the rate of change in their mode of life
 wa" very fast but fell that it Illust not be accelerated unnecessarily.
 The need for a gradual adaptation to city life by blacks was also stressed (as will be
 indicated later) by Chief Luthuli when he and the Natal Mission Reserve Association
 met with the Miliister of Native Affairs in 1945.
 Against the foregoing background the Committee who represented residents ofUmlazi
 Mission Resen'e felt that the City Council of Durban had failed to present a good
 case of the matter and were opposed to the future incorporation of their and to
 Durban.
 Because of the seriousness of the land issue the people of Umlazi Mission Reserve
 decided to adopt all possible strategies to oppose the Durban City Council. One such
 strategy was to appeal to Black and White leaders who would be sympathetic to their
 cause to use their positions of int1uence to oppose the Durban Municipality.
 An appeal was made in March 1942 for the revival of the old Mission Reserve
 Association.'" This call brought Chief A.J. Luthuli of Umvoti Mission Reserve
 (Groutville) into the controversy of Umlazi Mission Reserve. The dispute was still
 to l:ontinue.
 CONCLUSION
 This chapter has attempted to describe the cause, nature and magnitude of the land
 dispute between the Durban City Council and the people of UmIazi Mission Reserve
 in the early 1940's.
 What stands Ollt c1early is that the two opposing parties perceived the problem at hand
 differently. Whereas the Durban City Council wished to be allowed to acquire
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 7 March, 1942, p. 6, (Africans and
 Reserves and General).
 ..
133
 Umlazi Mission Reserve, that is get it "free of charge", the residents of Umlazi
 Mission Reserve maintained that the land was theirs.
 The people of Umlazi Mission seem to have had a strong case to back up their claim.
 Firstly. they were legally entitled to the land since the 19th century. Secondly there
 were no guarantees that the proposed change would safeguard their interests as a rural
 community. Thirdly the claim for freehold rights was supported by the fact that this
 right had been extended to people of other Mission Reserves.
 Studying the arguments of both parties a conclusion can be drawn that the Durban
 City Council wallled to impose its will on the people of Umlazi Mission Reserve.
 The legal right of the people to the land, it seems, was being ignored.
 Evidence in this chapter shows that the Durban City Council was merely concerned
 with the solution of its problems and showed little or no concern about the aspirations
 of the Umlazi Mission Reserve community.
134
 CHAPTER 6
 PROTESTS BY CHIEF LUTHULI. THE NATAL MISSION RESERVE
 ASSOCIATION AND WHITE CRITICS
 I. INTRODUCTION
 This chapter is an elaboration of the reaction of the Blacks to the proposal of the
 Durban City Council to acquire Umlazi Mission Reserve. The dispute entered a new
 phase with the involvement of Chief Luthuli. the Natal Mission Reserve Association
 and white supporters.
 On the basis of the arguments raised by all these parties. this chapter attempts to give
 a comprehensive picture of the extent of the problem facing the community of Umlazi
 Mission if the plans of the Durban Municipality were carried out.
 The objective of this chapter is also to show that it was the weight of the debate
 advanced by the Blacks and Whites. which made it imperative for the Native Affairs
 Commission to make an in-depth investigation of the land problem at Umlazi Mission
 Station.
 2. CHIEF LUTHULI AND HIS CLAMOUR FOR BLACK LAND OWNERSHIP
 Chief Albert 10hn Luthuli. a teacher by profession. was Chief of Umvoti Mission
 Reserve. Besides being Chief of the Umvoti community, he filled various important
 roles as community leader. He was President of Natal Bantu Teachers Union and
 co-founder of Natal Zululand Bantu Cane Growers Association. He was also
 knowledgeable about various Bantu Commissions which reported on matters that dealt
 with the lives of the Blacks. He also supported all welfare organizations.512
 512 Ilanga Lase Natali, 22 August, 1942, p. 11, (Zulu!
 Mziwakwethu) .
135
 Before involving himself in the affairs and land dispute of Umlazi Mission Reserve,
 Luthuli had made himself known as an outspoken figure in matters that pertained to
 the righlS and welfare of the Blacks. Like most enlightened Blacks, Luthuli, among
 other things. was concerned with the rights for the Black people to own the land. In
 1943 he made it clear that the Blacks could not make progress because they were
 debarred by law? from owning land.m He pointed out the seriousness of this
 problem as follows:
 Holdings are becoming smaller and as sons grow up the
 proportion decreases. The Land Trust Act allows 5 morgen for
 each family. Land is fixed by law. Even this promised land
 which will work to about 5 acres per family has not been
 bought .... We are debarred from purchasing land except in
 scheduled areas but the scheduled aneas themselves are
 crowded. Where shall we go then? ....5'4
 The question of the title deeds for the land held by Blacks was another barrier to
 progress as Luthuli further explains thus:
 The Master and Servants Act and the Industrial Conciliation
 Act stand in the way.m Commercially we can trade in
 scheduled Black areas only. Yet existing Non-African vested
 interests in these very areas are protected by law. The money
 market is closed to us. The Government says it can lend us
 money if we produce title deeds as seCurity but we get no title
 513
 514
 515
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 2 October, 1943, p. 9, (Chief A.
 J. Luthuli's striking statement)
 .I.Q.ig.
 The Master and Servants Act was also called the Master
 and Servants Law (Transvaal and Natal) Amendments
 Act, 1926. According to this law any person would
 enter into a contract with a Black under which such
 Black or any member of his family was permitted to
 occupy or cultivate land of such person in return for
 services to be rendered by the Black. The Industrial
 Conciliation Act was passed in 1924 as an attempt to
 settle disputes between employers and workers. It
 provided for a system of Joint Industrial Councils
 through which employers could come to an agreement in
 regard to wages and gen~ral working conditions. The
 Act prohibited strikes and no strike would be legal
 unless the dispute in question had first been
 submitted to the arbitration of an Industrial Council.
136
 deeds for the land we hold..'l.
 3. Al<GUMENTS OF LUTHULI AND THE NATAL MISSION RESERVE
 ASSOCIATION AGAINST INCORPORATION
 In response to the call for the revival of the Mission Reserve Association, Luthuli
 who became its Chairman, decided that it should tackle the problems of Umlazi
 Mission Reserve.
 The Natal Missiun \{eserves Association (NMRA) had been formed in 1930. 517 Its
 objectives. accurding to Luthuli, were to protect the rights and serve the common
 interests of Mission l<eserves. '" At its inception ttie Mission Reserves Associations
 were concerned wi th freehold rights for Blacks in Mission Reserves. 519
 The Umlazi Mission Reserve affiliated with the NMRA in 1930. The object of their
 afti Iiation was tu secure the position of residents and generally improve their
 conditiun.;!U Through the Association the people of Umlazi Mission Reserve had
 made representations to the Government for the allotment of portions of the Reserve
 in freehold tenure..i1I
 Ilanga Lase Natali, 2 October, 1943, p. 9, (Chief A J
 Luthuli's striking statement).
 517
 520
 State Archives, Pretoria, Memorandum to the Native
 Affairs Commission from the Natal Mission Reserve
 Association (Annexure D) NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission
 Reserve Evidence. Note that NMRA is the abbreviated
 form for Natal Mission Reserve Association adopted by
 the author for the purpose of this study.
 A. Luthuli: Let My People Go, p. 65.
 Ibid.
 state Archives, Pretoria, Memorandum to the Native
 Affairs Commission from the Umlazi Mission Reserve
 Representatives (Annexure Cl, NTS 915/56, Umlazi
 Mission Reserve Evidence.
137
 Right at rhe beginning of its history then, the NMRA was concerned to voice the
 clamour of an advancing people for the right to own the land, as Luthuli later
 explained thus:
 We had long entertained the hope that Africans would in due
 course be able to acquire land as individuals rather than
 communally. and we had long been moving away from
 communal ownership. m
 Luthuli felt that the right to own land on an individual basis (which had been granted
 to various Mission Reserves of the American Board Mission) should be extended to
 tht' rt'sidents of llmlazi Mission Reserve as well. He was critical to the action taken
 to sell Umlazi Cilebeland to the Durban Municipality and accused the Anglican
 Church of being guilty of a piece of unwisdom.523
 Matters came to a head when the press reported that the Durban City Council had
 made an application to the Government through the Minister of Native Affairs for the
 incorporation of 1I111lazi Mission Reserve into the Borough of Durban.
 Because it seemed as though the Government was inclining towards the Durban
 Corporation the NMRA decided to treat Umlazi issue as a matter of urgency. Luthuli
 assisted by Rev. A.H. Zulu and others first organized the people of Umlazi Mission
 to find out their feelings. The residents of Umlazi Mission Reserve, reported Luthuli,
 "were entirely opposed to the schemes of the Corporation. "524
 In view of these circumstances and the uncertainty of the future of the people of
 Umlazi Mission, the NMRA made immediate representations to the Government,
 through the Native Affairs Department.m Delegates from Mission Reserves in
 Natal met at the Bantu Social Centre in Durban on April 13, 1945 to consider the
 ,'n Luthuli: Let My People Go, p. 65.
 52.1 Ibid. p. 64.
 524 Ibid. ,p. 65.
 S2.1 Ibid.
138
 maller. i!O After careful consideration the delegates unanimously decided to support,
 by all legitimate means at their disposal, the opposition of the residents to the
 aforesaid appl ication.'"
 Three members were elected by the NMRA to represent Mission Reserves to the
 Government. These were: Chief A.I. Luthuli, Rev. G.M. Sivetye and Mr H.P.
 Ngwenya..i2' As a result of the conference a memorandum setting out fully the
 grounds on which the other Mission Reserves supported the Umlazi Mission Reserve
 was prepared and submitted to the Minister of Native Affairs.
 It i" proper to note that this conference was preceded by other meetings in which
 Luthuli and other black leaders discussed the Umlazi land issue. For that reason the
 views of Luthuli and those expressed specifically in the memorandum of the
 conference will be treated concurrently. There was an overlap of ideas and
 statements.
 In lengthy statements Luthuli and the NMRA reiterated some of the arguments raised
 earlier by the Committee that represented the residents of Umlazi Mission Reserve
 to the Government. Luthuli and the NMRA actually discussed the salient facts
 regarding the original purpose and subsequent history of the Mission Reserves in
 Natal. In the course of the argument they expressed the highest hopes and aspirations
 of the black people in those Reserves. They also made a penetrating analysis of the
 implications of urbanizing UmIazi Mission Reserve.
 Luthuli pointed out that he and others who lived in Mission Reserves felt it necessary
 526
 ID
 state Archives, Pretoria, Memorandum to the Native
 Affairs Commission from the Natal Mission Reserve
 Association, (Annexure D), NTS 015/56, Umlazi Mission
 Reserve Evidence.
139
 to fully support the residents of Umlazi Reserve to fight the injustice of depriving the
 residents of Umlazi their mission statuS. 529 Besides they saw the Mission Reserves
 as ulle family.'" Therefore, the NMRA explained, the incorporation of Umlazi
 Mi"iun Reserve by the Durban City Council would be in direct conflict with the
 illlerests and righh. not only of the residents of Umlazi but of all the other Mission
 Reserves. i"
 There was a feeling that the developments at Umlazi Mission Reserve might create
 a precedent that would be seen as a violation of democratic principles. The NMRA
 mad... this point dear as the following extract indicates:
 It would be c:r...ating a dangerous and undemocratic practice of
 disr...gardillg the interests and rights of the weak and voiceless
 where powerful and vested interests are concerned. 532
 In his statement Lutl1uli argued that Mission Reserves had been placed by legislature
 under the Department of Native Affairs as Trust land. m The communities of
 Mission Reserves desired to retain their status. 5l4 They had paid a mission rental
 and felt that they had more claim on the Minister of Native Affairs than they would
 have un the Durban City Council.m
 Stress was laid by the NMRA on the terms of the Mission Reserves Act (No. 25 of
 State Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Chief A.
 Luthuli, NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence .
 .UU
 HI
 m
 533
 5.14
 ;35
 Ibid.
 state Archives, Pretoria, Memorandum to the Native
 Affairs Commission from the Natal Mission Reserve
 Association (Annexure DJ, NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission
 Reserve Evidence.
 State Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Chief A.
 Luthuli, NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
140
 educational work. The Association highlighted in panicular two provisions of these
 Acts.
 Fir~tly. they pointed out that the intention of all Mission Reserves was clearly
 stipulated in each Deed of Grant as follows:
 In trust fur the atives with intent and object that the said lands
 may be occupied and inhabited by atives in order that the said
 church .... in atal may have a fixed population to labour
 among as Missionaries without let or hindrance.5J6
 The NMRA made it clear that the Deed of Grant also empowered Trustees of Mission
 Reserves to grant Freehold titles to black residents for their holdings in Mission
 Reserves. iI7 In a situation like in South Africa where Blacks could not get land
 elsewhere. this condition gave consolation to Blacks on Mission Reserves. They lived
 in constant expectation that the Trustees would ensure that the original purpose of
 these Reserves was honoured in letter and in spirit. 538
 LUlhuli mentioned that the purpose and intention of Mission Reserves had been
 honoured since the Mission Reserves were brought into being - all Parliaments had
 'respected their constitution.'"
 In their memorandum the NMRA pointed out that even the 1936 Land and Trust Act
 (Act No. 18 of (936) guaranteed the security of the residents on the Reserves by
 leaving the general body of the Mission Reserve Act of 1903 (Act 49 of 1903) in
 state Archives, Pretoria. Memorandum to the Native
 Affairs Commission (Annexure Dl, NTS 915/56, Umlazi
 Mission Reserve Evidence.
 537
 fiB
 53' state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Chief A.
 Luthuli, NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
141
 tac!. ."" Luthuli and the Association failed to see why the Trustees were then
 tempted to disrespect the purpose of the 1936 Act. For that reason the Association
 would plead on behalf of the Umlazi Mission Reserve that that Act be not set aside.
 Another provision of the original Act which the NMRA highlighted is the one that
 gave paramountcy and priority to the interest of black residents of each Mission
 Reserve. Section 5 uf Act No. 49 of 1903 provided that:
 Mission Reserves shall be kept for occupation solely by Natives
 and shall be administered for the benefit of Natives living
 thereon. "-11
 In this extract the Association laid emphasis on the reading: "And shall be
 administered for the benetit of Natives living thereon. " On the strength of this clause
 the NMRA argued that the Act implied that the Umlazi Mission Reserve was not
 mean! for Blacks <:ul1ling into Durban to work for industrialists and other employers
 of black labour.-"?
 Luthuli saw the Mission Reserves as "cells of life" and "centres of influence" and
 these centres were not only available to the residents of Umlazi Mission but provided
 54"
 541
 The effect of the act of 1936 was to merge the Natal
 Native Trust in the South African Native Trust and to
 vest the Reserves in the South African Native Trust.
 Ownership of the area (Um1azi Mission Reserve) was
 vested in the South African Native Trust. The Reserve
 fell within the Local Council Area of the Umlazi
 District and they sent representatives to that
 Council. But it is of importance to note that the
 rights of the missionary bodies named in the
 respective Deeds of Grant were in no way impaired.
 State Archives, Pretoria, Quoted by the Natal Mission
 Reserves Association in Memorandum to the Native
 Affairs Commission (Annexure D), NTS 915/56, Umlazi
 Mission Reserve evidence.
 State Archives, Pretoria, (Annexure D), NTS 915/56,
 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
142
 life to the rest of South Africa.'" By this he meant that as better developed black
 area~. Mission Reserves strove for the "all round development of the people in
 education. religion. social and economic progress. ,,544 They were "bastions of
 111(l(lern life" for black people with a steadying influence in the black peoples'
 forward march to western civilization. '-'5 Luthuli therefore felt that if Umlazi
 Mi~,i(ln Reserve were to come under the control of the Durban City Council it would
 be cut off from the mainstream of black development. 546
 The incorporation of Umlazi Mission Reserve would transform the rural people of the
 Mission into city dwellers. This according to Luthuli and the NMRA would mean
 that the right of the people to have a home would disappear. People would be
 converted into workers. In urban areas a black worker, in the words of Luthuli, was
 merdy "a cog in the industrial machine. ,,547 In other words, the worker only lived
 to serve the white man's interest. Town life had proved that very few Blacks did
 independent work. Luthuli daborated this point as follows:
 We feel that in an urban location we are merely there as
 servants of the employer and not necessarily that our interest
 and devdopmem are paramount in allowing us to develop in
 citizenship as it has been laid down by the State.543
 The problem of insecurity in towns was also raised by Luthuli and the NMRA in their
 grievarH:es. They pointed out that urban black townships were places of residence
 only so long as onc was employed in a European toWn.549 The right of the
 dependents to reside in an urban township ceased with the death of the head of the
 State Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Chief A.
 Luthuli, NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 Ibid.
 ;\41
 ibid.
 State Archives, Pretoria, (Annexure D), NTS 915/56,
 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
143
 family. iju
 There was also a clash of values between Blacks and Whites. Luthuli argued that
 Blacks had a different conception of a home from that of white people. Whereas the
 whire authorities planned to set up urban homes for the people ofUmlazi Mission and
 those employed in Durban, Luthuli and the NMRA saw such city homes only as
 houses IU accUlI1l11l>oale wurkers on a temporary basis. Town accommodation did not
 provide a stable and meaningful family life to which the Blacks were accustomed in
 rural life. Luthuli explained hardships faced by Blacks in towns as follows:
 Good as location houses may be, we can never regard them as
 a home. rhey are merely temporary resting places while one is
 forced to be in town to work. Conditions as they are in urban
 locations. do not provide for family life- even children and
 dependents have to live there on the strength of lodgers'
 permits and so un. The Umlazi people are asked to sacrifice
 IheSt: prct:ious ~uld and diamonds they have for copper. 55 I
 The NMRA held rhe view therefore that their trustees could not justifiably transfer
 the people of Umlazi Mission Reserve to a local authority, whose primary and
 paramount consideration was the interest of the white residents.m
 Luthuli shared rhe same view expressed earlier by the Committee that represented the
 resiJenrs of Umlazi Mission Reserve, that the people of the Mission Reserve had
 improved themselves economically and that their efforts were fairly creditable.m
 He opposed the Durban City Council's argument that they wished to acquire Umlazi
 Reserve partly because no development had taken place there over years.
 5541
 551
 552
 Ibid.
 state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Chief A.
 Luthuli, NTS 916/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 state Archives, Pretoria, (Annexure DJ, NTS 915/56,
 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Chief A.
 Luthuli, NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
144
 (n Luthuli' s assessment one field of economic endeavour in which Blacks had excelled
 was cane-farming. In cane-farming, the farmers had made appreciable progress. ss<
 The land held by 200 cane planters was officially reported as 2470 acres.m If
 these fanners were removed by the decision of the Durban City Council the latter
 would have to compensate them with 2470 acres of suitable land for cane.S56 Such
 compensation would have to be made since as Luthuli argued, it would be hardly fair
 to deprive the people of a profitable source of income and give them land elsewhere
 which could not be used for an activity which meant income to them.m
 There is testimony that substantiated that Umlazi Mission Reserve was indeed
 economically viable for agricultural purposes. Evidence was given to the Native
 Affairs Commission, in 1945 by H.C.R. Meyer, Senior Agricultural Officer of the
 Native Affairs Department, who was stationed in Pietermaritzburg.
 According to Meyer, in 19.44 the value of the prairie land anywhere along the coast
 including Umlazi Mission Reserve was 15 pounds (about R30,oo) per acre if taken
 as a cane proposition only.SS8 So the caneland without the cane rights would be
 worth 15 pounds an acre. m The value of the agricultural holdings on the Mission
 Reserve was also estimated at 15 pounds per acre.560 Other crop production such
 as vegetables could make the area worth up to 50 pounds (about Rloo,OO) per acre
 in certain parts of the Reserve. 561 According to Meyer some of the land in the
 554
 555
 556
 557
 558
 56U
 561
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of H.C.R. Meyer,
 NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 Ibid.
 .Illlii.
 Ibid.
145
 Re~crvc' Wi.l~ \Cry valuable. i,,!
 Luthuli could nut se:e: how 2 000 acres in the Umlazi Mission Reserve could be
 adjuste:d and still provide: for incoming Blacks. 563 Besides, if the Reserve was
 removed. compensating ground would have to be within the sugar belt where there
 were: sufticient rains. and where the coastal land was flat and very near the railway
 for transportation.;'" There was also the question of grazing grounds to be
 considered.'?; Besides. the income from the planting of crops for their subsistence
 such as mealies and beans. was vital ..'''''
 Luthuli. showed some understanding of Durban's housing problem but believed that
 Durban had plenty of vacant lands that could be used without interfering with Umlazi
 Mission Reserve5.7 He was not convinced that all possible avenues had been
 explored in the Borough of Durban to see whether any other land could be
 aC4uired. 'M Hesides. he maintained that since Blacks did not possess much land,
 it was a burden of the employers of labour and the city to make provision for housing
 black workers.
 [n spite of L.uthuli?s strong opposition against the sudden introduction of Umlazi
 people to the complicated city life, he and many people that he represented were not
 conservative. He believed that places like Umlazi Mission provided, as it were, a
 training ground. an introduction to town life.569 The NMRA saw Mission Reserves,
 Ibid.
 56J state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Chief A.
 Luthuli, NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 <;6.> Ibid.
 56' Ibid.
 561> Ibid.
 567 Ibid.
 56l< Ibid.
 569 Ibid.
146
 as llmlazi Mi"iun. a, providing the black people with a period of apprenticeship for
 a gradual and health} Introouction into the highly developed western civilization.57o
 When Luthuli subsequently recorded this event some two decades later he reiterated
 what he had felt about this disputed territory when he said:
 Umlazi housing scheme, for all its defects might well have
 proved a compromise between town and country, a place where
 Africans inight have been able to learn the disciplines of city
 life gradually avoiding the disorientation which sudden change
 often brings. '71
 The participation of Chief Luthuli and NMRA seems to have reinforced black
 opposition against the plans of the Durban City Council. More weight to the protest
 wa, added again when some senior white citizens and the church leadership sided
 with the Blacks who opposed the expropriation of Umlazi Mission Reserve.
 4. OPPOSITION BY SENATORS BROOKES AND SHEPSTONE AND THE
 A GLlCAN BISHOP OF NATAL
 Among Whites who opposed the proposed urbanisation of Umlazi Mission Reserve
 was Senator Dr E.H. Broookes and Senator the Hon. Dennis Gem Shepstone.m
 Both were members of the Anglican Church. Dr Brookes, however, did not represent
 the Church in the discussions about Umlazi. Mention should also be made that in
 December 1945 Dr Brookes was appointed by the Government as one of the members
 of the ative Affair, Commission. The Anglican Bishop of Natal, Leonard Noel
 Fisher, also supported the cause of the Blacks.
 Senator Brookes full y supported the Blacks in their aspiration to retain their right to
 j7U
 m
 sn
 state Archives, (Annexure D), NTS 915/56 Umlazi
 Mission Reserve Evidence.
 Luthuli, Let My People Go, p. 67.
 .
 Or Brookes was M. P., Professor of History at Natal
 University, Rev. of the Anglican Church, author and
 liberal. Shepstone was Senator, 1943 - 1948. He was
 also a member of the Durban City Council in 1939.
147
 own the land at lJmlazi fission Reserve.m This he made clear in the meeting of
 5 January. 1945 of the Durban City Council to which he was invited.m While he
 congratulated the City Council at its far-sightedness to house black families employed
 in Durhan and industrially. he saw certain complications in the proposed Umlazi
 scheme. m He saw the need for a much clearer indication attached to this
 incorporation and whether Blacks would be permitted to purchase their site. 576 For
 this reason he felt that a consultation should take place with the Blacks before the
 proposal to alienate the Mission Reserve came before the Government.m
 Dr Hrookes saw it right that the Blacks should not be moved about especially because
 the land was. since IH95. a recognised Mission Reserve which had been occupied by
 fathers and grandfathers of the Blacks of the tenants of that time.m He felt that it
 was not right to move the Blacks about as that would shake their confidence.m
 Senator Brookes suggested the use of the other land west of Lamontville Location or
 any other area that could be used in exchange instead of disturbing Umlazi
 temlnt5. ,,,' He pointed out that though he was not trying to raise objections he
 might be forced to oppose it if the Council contemplated approaching the Government
 !or expropriation of lImlazi Mission Reserve.58 ' Or Brookes was fully prepared to
 act as an intermediary and put the Council in touch with leaders who could give the
 Notes of Proceedings at Informal meeting between City
 Councillors, Durban senators, Members of Parliament
 and Provincial Councillors.
 57' Ibid.
 575 Ibid.
 576 Ibid.
 m Ibid.
 57l< Ibid.
 57'l Ibid.
 58" Ibid.
 58. Ibid.
148
 Council assistance in the matter.''1
 Scnill{lr Shcpstone was also opposed to the incorporation of Umlazi Mission Reserve.
 In the debate with the ative Affairs Commission, Shepstone represented the
 Anglican Church. He addressed the question of security of tenure stressing that
 Blacks and Indians attached tremendous imponance to the ownership of land.m
 Under the conditions which obtained in South Africa, Shepstone stated, land tenure
 was more than security. It gave Blacks a status in the country.584
 Shepstol1t: pointed out that it was common occurrence in Durban to find detribalized
 Black> prosecuted because they had nowhere to live and had no place to sleep in. For
 that reason Shepstone sympathized with the objection of the Blacks to parting with
 any system of ownership of land.m
 ShepslOne addressed the question of expropriation and the promise that alternative
 accollll1looation wuuld be supplied to the community of Umlazi Mission Reserve.
 Experience in atal land politics had shown that substituting Blacks with land they
 had lost was not e'dSY. This was so because vested interests (White) usually objected
 to such land being used for black occupation.586 In Shepstone's opinion it was
 doubtful if 7 500 acres of Umlazi Mission Reserve (actually 7521 acres) would be
 replaceable. ,.7
 582
 583
 587
 Ibid.
 state Archives,
 Shepstone, NTS
 Evidence.
 Pretoria, Evidence of
 915/56, Umlazi Mission
 Senator
 Reserve
149
 ShepslOne' argumenl on "compensation by other suitable land" seems to be valid,
 because the Durban City Council admitted that it had failed to find suitable land to
 house homeless Durban black workers. So it was unlikely that after taking Umlazi
 Mission Reserve the Council would find land to compensate the residents of Umlazi
 Mission.
 But according to Senator Shepstone the situation was deeper than the handing of the
 Mission Reserve to the Durban Municipality. The more sensitive part was that the
 Blacks were being deprived of their land in order to be used to serve industry. The
 Blacks in the hands of Whites were being exploited, as Senator Shepstone stated thus:
 It is the sense of frustration and helplessness which the Natives
 have felt in the past in the exploitation of the Reserves by
 Europeans and Indians .... and when the Native was told that
 he must develop in his own areas. He now sees that these have
 been taken over for a reservoir of Native labour for Durban.
 In a sense he resents being regarded as a chattel for industry
 and commerce..,,'
 ShepslOne felt that it would be desirable for the Native Affairs Commission to explore
 every avenue before it ultimately decided whether the Umlazi Mission Reserve was
 to he handed over to the Durban City Council or not. S89 The transfer of the
 Mission Reserve according to Shepstone would be regarded as a precedent for future
 expropriation of other Reserves and that was what the Blacks had to be reassured on S90
 The Anglican Bishop of Natal, represented the Anglican Church and strongly objected
 to the incorporation of Umlazi Mission Reserve. In the statement directed to the
 Durban City Council and the Minister of Native Affairs in 1945, the Bishop stated
 that the Church had sold the Glebeland so that the City Council would erect housing
 for Blacks and to help the Church raise funds for educational pUrposes.5Ol
 Ibid.
 500
 50. state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Anglican Bishop
 of Natal NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
150
 Th~ Bishop mad~ ir cl~ar. however, that no further compromise would be made by
 rhe Mission r~sidellts for the transfer of the Mission Reserve. 592 He stressed that
 if th~ Reserve w,,, handed over to the Municipal authorities the Blacks would be
 depriq~d of many righrs and privileges which they then enjoyed. 593
 The Bishop wenr 'furth~r !ll say the Blacks attached great importance to the conditions
 of the original Trust which provided inter-alia that:
 ative, whether male or female, may acquire land in a Mission
 Reserve, and may be given title thereto, and such land may be
 held and ~njoy~d by such Natives and their heirs subject only
 ro the provisions of this Act and the due observance of any rule
 h~reund~r. and of any conditions contained in the Title
 Deed ..'"?
 It was on the strength of the terms of the Act quoted above (so frequently cited in the
 Umlazi Mission land controversy) that the Bishop warned the authorities that the
 Blacks concerned would regard the transfer of their Reserve to the Durban City
 Council as a breach of the trust under which it was established. s9s The Bishop
 ~xpress~d his f~ar rhat any such step would create a deep feeling of resentment. S96
 In these circumstances the position of the Anglican Church was firm and
 uncompromising. The Bishop stated clearly that:
 The church, in virtue of her great responsibility towards the
 residents of the Mission Reserve, is opposed to the transfer of
 this land on the grounds that the development of the life of the
 residents as envisaged at the granting of this land should
 continue to be [he concern of the Government and the church,
 591
 596
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 section Act No. 49 of 1903 quoted by the Anglican
 Bishop of Natal in NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve
 Evidence.
 state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of the Anglican
 Bishop of Natal, NTS 915/5 Umlazi Mission Reserve
 Evidence.
 Ibid.
151
 and that nothing should be done which would prejudice the
 right of re~idents to freehold tenure.;?7
 5. PROTESTS AND COUNTER-PROPOSALS BY THE AMERICAN BOARD
 MISSION
 The American Board Mission also protested against the expropriation of Umlazi
 Mission Reserve. Accordingly. in 1945 it sent representatives to the Government to
 present their case.
 The American Board Mission made it clear that they had interest in the dispute
 bet:ause their mission had been granted the largest number of Mission Reserves and
 the largest acreage when those Reserves were surveyed and set apart. 5" Therefore
 as guardians of the rights and interests of Blacks in the security of title of Mission
 Reserves. they had interest in any undertaking that threatened and undermined that
 security.;....
 In the opinion of the American Board Mission the breaking of the security of the title
 of l/llllazi Mission Reserve. would shake the confidence of Blacks generally in the
 security of title of all the Mission Reserves.600 Blacks would also lose confidence
 . ,
 in the bona tides of the Government's attitude toward the protection of its black
 inhabitants."'"
 The representatives of the American Board Mission believed that the rejection of the
 scheme of the Durban City Council by Blacks expressed the unanimous feeling of the
 W7
 /ill'
 "'"
 Ibid.
 state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of the
 Board Mission Representatives (Annexure
 915/56, Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 Ibid.
 American
 H) , NTS
152
 re,idents of Mis,ion Reserves generally and also of responsible black 0pllllon
 throughout the country "'"
 The American Board Mission argued that the amount of land whose title was or could
 be held hy or fur Blacks was small to meet the acknowledged needs of the black
 population."'" Therefore any subtraction from that limited amount would cause
 grave misgivings among the Blacks.'""
 The American Board Mission urged, in the light of this problem, that whenever
 while Municipalities required more land for the housing of its domestic and industrial
 lahour such land he found in white areas and not from the already too small black
 The view held by the American Board Mission was that the opposition of the black
 residelHs of Umlazi Mission Reserve was justified.606 They shared the same views
 as the NMRA and other white critics that there was lack of security of tenure in
 towns."'" Experience in other cities of the Union. like Johannesburg, had
 demonstrated that in townships Blacks were considered to be removable in the
 supposed ilHerests of white populations which had moved in around them.6Oll
 I
 Blacks might also have their household effects seized for non-payment of rent.6O'J
 In addition they also had to obtain lodgers permits for sons over 18 years to enable
 "<0. Ibid.
 hl.U Ibid.
 "'" Ibid.
 605 Ibid.
 606 Ibid.
 ",,7 Ibid.
 """ Ibid .
 .... Ibid.
153
 them to continue living with their parents? 1lI
 To avert the difticulties that might arise if Umlazi Mission Reserve was incorporated,
 the i\ merican Board Mission made a few proposals for the future development of the
 Reserve. Firstly. they urged that steps be taken to enable black residents of Mission
 Reserves to obtain freehold title to allotments on such Reserves. 611 Such title was
 envisioned in the original grants as a natural outcome of expected progress and a goal
 to stimulate progress.? '1
 Secondly. it was proposed that the Native Trust carry out any development plans that
 might be required in consultation with the Municipality and the black residents.61J
 Such development> hat! to fall within the framework of the announced purpose of the
 Trust to hasten agricultural, industrial and political progress in the Reserves. 614 At
 Umlazi Mission Reserve developments would lie in the direction of improved
 agricultural and home industries. 6 ' 5
 The third proposal was that self-government be worked out by the Trust with a bias
 t~ward the establishment of an urban self-government unit. 616 Fourthly, the
 American Board Mission felt that black residents of Umlazi Mission Reserve who
 preferred agricultural to urban industrial life should not be deprived of their
 agricullllral allotments.,,\1 If their land was taken they were to be compensated with
 adequate agricultural land elsewhere. Compensation for any existing rights and
 MU Ibid.
 hi. Ibid.
 612 Ibid.
 61~ Ibid.
 61. Ibid.
 615 Ibid.
 61" Ibid.
 6\1 Ibid.
154
 pwperty was also to be made. ."
 The American Board Mission rejected the proposals of the Durban City Council to
 inwrporate Umlazi Mission Reserve by explicitly making three requirements, namely:
 (I) That the re4uest of the Durban Municipality for the expropriation of the
 Umlazi Mission Reserve be refused.
 (2) That the ati ve Trust investigate the possibility of developments in that
 Reserve which might be to the advantage of the residents at that time and also
 provide for a larger population.
 (3) That the title to the land continue to be protected by the Native Trust while
 a stable. self-governing and home owning population was developed to the
 l11utual benefit of the Reserve and the Municipality.61'
 From the account given above the Anglican and American Board Churches can be
 credited for the support they gave to the Blacks of Umlazi Mission Reserve in their
 struggle for the land. However, the Anglican Church seems to have started too late
 to negotiate for freehold rights for its black landholders on the Mission Reserve. Had
 they started with the campaign in the 19th Century (like the American Board Mission)
 when missionaries still enjoyed the support of the Colonial Government, the appeal
 would probably have been more effective.
 6. THE COMPROMISING AND PRO-URBANISATION ELEMENTS
 As indicated in the preceding chapters the majority of black people at Umlazi and
 otht>r Mission Reserves were strongly opposed to the transfer of Umlazi Mission
 Reserve tu Durban. However, there were Blacks that were inclined to enter into a
 compromise and accept the proposal of the Durban Municipality. Some Blacks
 outside Umlazi Mission even saw the urbanisation process as a feature of modem life
 6,.
155
 to which Blacb had to coml: to terms.
 Within Umlazi Mission Or Nzimande has pointed out that the residents could be
 divided into two mall1 groups, namely, the "conservatives" and the
 "progressives" .!U The conservatives were those people who were totally opposed
 to any form of change or negotiation whatsoever maintaining that the Mission Reserve
 was theirs."!! Tht: progressives, on the other hand, (to whom Or Nzimande
 belonged) were those who were prepared to make a compromise and consider the
 transfer of the land under certain conditions.m The progressives, preferred to be
 incorporated under the Oepanment of Native Affairs and not under the Durban
 Corporation?!' The laner group, says Or Nzimande, also saw the danger that if
 they resisted any form of proposal they might end up not being compensated at all for
 their land and lose everything"?"
 In 1944 Or Brueckner of Adams Mission held the view that he would not take up a
 dogmatic attitude that land having once been given for Mission purposes, must never
 be used for any other purpose"25 This view, as will be seen in the last chapter of
 this study. was also shared by the Broome Commission in 1947. Brueckner stated
 that he wouldbe in favour of the idea of urbanizing Umlazi Mission Reserve as long
 as the scheme had the necessary safeguards.626
 61"
 611
 611
 61.1
 614
 61.'
 A.M. Nzimande: Umlazi Township, 6 February, 1988.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Or Brueckner,
 NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
 State Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of Or Brueckner,
 NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence.
156
 D Mthimkhulu and S. Ngcobo. academics of Adams High School (AmanzimtOli) also
 I
 aired their view~ about the urbanisation of Blacks?v Thy felt that the future of the
 black man in town must definitely envisage a permanent urbanized black
 population.?l ' Such people would live and work in the towns, and like any
 urhanized worker. have their homes and families there. m Black city dwellers
 would voluntarily live in separate townships which would nevertheless form part of
 the local authority concerned"'U They would also share fully in all the city's
 amenities and services guaranteed by legislation.631
 Mthimkhulu and gcubo's views, however, do show, in the first place, that they
 were talking as disinterested parties who were not directly affected by the eviction.
 Secondly. they talked of an ideal situation that could be implemented along
 democratic lines. Their ideas were not quite in line with what was actually prevailing
 in (owns since legislation did not provide full citizenship rights to urban Blacks.
 Comments made by some Blacks at Umlazi Mission who were interested in town life
 indicate that urban locations could be accepted only as long as they gave them the
 right to own land where they could erect houses that suited them. It would seem that
 home-ownership schemes for Blacks had already been launched in one township in
 Johannesburg, and served as a blueprint, as the following extract indicates:
 We fail to see why the local authorities do not emulate the
 example of Johannesburg which has boldly decided to put its
 627
 .2>0
 629
 630
 6)1
 Mr Donald Mthimkhulu was Headmaster of Adams High
 School, President of Bantu Teachers' Association and
 member of Natal Provincial Education Commission. Mr
 Selby Ngcobo was part-time lecturer in Sociology to
 non-European schools, Senior Teacher at Adams
 Research, Assistant to Prof. Burrows on questions
 pertaining to Blacks.
 State Archives, Pretoria, NTS 915/56, Umlazi Mission
 Reserve Evidence.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
157
 ZuurheklHIl Towll,hip scheme into effect. Here Africans will
 be as,isted ill building their own houses on freehold land. The
 Government. under the provision of Section five (2) (h) of Act
 . o. 21 uf 1923. as amended. has agreed to this scheme.m
 The quality and nature of township houses that the Durban City Council had in mind
 for lImlazi Mission. was a plan that was in direct conflict with the aspirations of the
 Black people. as the same commentator cited above, elaborates as follows:
 We shall await the tinal settlement of this problem with great
 interest. In the meantime why cannot part of Umlazi Mission
 Glebe Lands or other lands predominantly Black occupied
 within urban areas be set on these experimental democratic
 lines? It is absurd to think that even in that post-war world in
 which so much is promised that is progressive and aspiring
 Africans will inevitably be herded together in depressing
 townships. In townships of dull uniform houses which
 engender no spirit of ownership and sense of security."))
 The study of the views of the "progressives" show that in both groups (the
 conservatives and progressives), there was a common element, namely, they all
 aspi red to be landowners. Whereas the conservatives wished to own land in a rural
 setting. the progressives aspired to move with the times and own land under urban
 conditions. Therefore the fact that there were conservatives and progressives did not
 alter the position. There was a serious disagreement between the Durban City
 Council and the people of Umlazi Mission. The City Council undoubtedly aimed to
 build a township that would house as many people as possible and in which people
 would forfeit their right as landowners and the residents of Umlazi Mission could not
 compromise if their rights as landowners were not protected.
 631 Ilanga Lase Natali, 29 January, 1944, p. 9 (Housing
 Plans for Africans).
 Ibid.
,
 158
 7. CONCLUSION
 Thi, chapter has attempted to consolidate available evidence to make an analysis into
 the causes of the protests of the black residents of Umlazi Mission Reserve and other
 Reserves against the proposal to urbanize Umlazi Mission Station. The Blacks and
 their white sympathizers candidly expressed their views, sentiments, uncertainties and
 fears against incorporation. Some, along with their white supponers, suggested
 altemative solutions tu resolve the crisis.
 The chapter has also demonstrated that the struggle for land at Umlazi Mission was
 not exclusively between Black and White. There were Whites, albeit they were few,
 who supported the cause of the Blacks. Similarly, some Blacks, though they
 constituted a small element, were conditionally in favour of urbanisation.
 This chapter has also shown that though the Anglican Church had been seen to be
 collahorating with the Durban local authority by selling the Glebeland, arguments of
 some of the church leaders show that the Anglican Church was clearly against any
 further urbanisation of Umlazi Mission Station.
 It was by and large because of the forcefulness of the black and white opposition, as
 described. that the ative Affairs Commission asked the Department of Native
 Affairs to obtain ,enain funher paniculars with regard to alternative land. It also
 asked the Durban City Council to furnish more details of the nature of the future
 settlement which they had in mind in the Umlazi area.
 Funhermore the Commission required to know the conditions under which the
 Durban City Council proposed to integrate the existing allotment holders into the new
 scheme which they desired to set up. It was after this information had been received
 that the Commissiun would give the matter their careful consideration.
159
 CHAPTER 7
 THE INVESTIGATIONS OF THE NATIVE AFFAIRS COMMISSION, 1945 - 1947
 I. INTRODUCTION
 Thi, chapter will focus on the investigations of the government-appointed Native
 Affairs Commission between 1945 and 1947. The task of the Commission was to
 inVt'stigate the proposal that the Durban City Council should acquire the Umlazi
 Mission Reserve for the housing of black workers of Durban. This investigation was
 a direct result of the protests that had been made by various panies against
 incorporation, as discussed in Chapter 5 and 6.
 The events thar are being discussed are: the appointment of the Native Affairs
 COl1lmission in 1945: sOl1le problems that had to be considered before Umlazi
 Mission could be urbanized; the solutions of the Durban City Council regarding
 queries made by the Native Affairs Commission; recommendations made by the
 Native Affairs Commission; problems raised by the City Council in connection with
 the proposed alternatives; the rejection of the request of the Durban City Council and
 ?
 the subsequent deadlock; the renewal of negotiations in 1947.
 It will emerge from this chapter that the findings, views and recommendations of the
 Native Affairs Commission triggered further controversy between the Commission,
 the Durban City Council and other parties.
 Because of misunderstandings and counter-proposals, the deliberations became
 protracted and inconclusive. Consequently even by 1947 the destiny of the
 community of Umlazi Mission Reserve regarding their land was still uncertain.
160
 2. THE APPOI TMENT OF THE ATIVE AFFAIRS COMMISSION AND ITS
 I ITIAL PROCEEDINGS
 Th.: r.:solmion to acquire Umlazi Mission Reserve was presented by the Durban City
 Council to the Honourable, the Minister of Native Affairs, Mr van der Byl, at a
 meeting in Cape Town on 21 February 1945.634 On that occasion the Minister
 intimated that he would send the Native Affairs Commission to Durban at the close
 of the Parliamentary Session to investigate the proposal in loco.m
 Th.: ativ.: Affairs Commission was appointed before the end of 1945. It consisted
 of the Natal Native Affairs Commissioner (Chairman) D.L. Smir (Deputy Chairman)
 E.A. Conroy, Edgar H. Brookes, A.D. Payn and H. van der Merwe.636 Acting on
 the instructions of the Minister, the Commission visited Durban in December 1945
 to start with investigations on Umlazi Mission Reserve as a potential black township.
 The Commission made a careful inspection in loco and heard evidence between 10
 and IJ December. nil
 Present at the sessions of the Commission were representatives of the Natal Provincial
 Local Health COlllmission, the Natal Housing Board, the Durban City Council, the
 Town Boards of Pinetown, Kloof, Westville and Malvern, and the Durban Joint
 Advisory Boards. 6'" There were also representatives of the Church of the Province
 of South Africa, the missionary body associated with the Reserve, the Roman
 Memorandum for Judicial Commission of Native Affairs
 in Durban (Chapter vi - ix).
 .'
 635
 636
 637
 631
 Ibid.
 Report of Native Affairs Commission, 4 April 1946,
 Memorandum for Judicial Commission of Native Affairs
 in Durban (Chapters vi - ix). Also cited in Mayors
 Minute, 1946, pp 15, 16 and 17.
161
 Catholic Church, and the American Board Mission,"3" Blacks from UmJazi Mission
 Reserve and other Mission Reserves, were also represented. 640
 The Commission wanted to make quite sure that every aspect of the land problem was
 adequately examined. Therefore, after the conclusion of the evidence, it asked the
 Secretary for Native Affairs to make certain officers of the Department available to
 report as a Technical Committee on the Mission Reserve itself and on other possible
 sites in the vicinity of Durban. This Committee consisted of Mr M. R. Roberts,
 Senior Engineer, Mr C.A. Heald, Senior Inspector of Urban Locations, Mr R.
 Ashton, Native Commissioner of Durban, and Mr H.C. Meyer, Representative of the
 Assistant Director of Native Agriculture"4I
 The Commission also directed certain enquiries to the Durban Corporation. The
 object of these enquiries was to ascertain on what lines the Mission Reserve would
 be developed and what the details of the Council's proposals for resettlement and
 expropriation would be if it were decided to accede to the Corporations' request. The
 investigation of the Commission followed upon enquiries by the Provincial
 Administration, the Local Health Commission, the Local Authorities concerned and
 the Department of Native Affairs. 642
 3. SOME PROBLEMS THAT HAD TO BE CONSIDERED BEFORE UMLAZI
 M1SSION COULD BE URBANIZED
 In its investigation the Native Affairs Commission studied the historical background
 of UrnIazi mission Reserve, particularly by first examining the Acts upon which the
 Mission Reserve was built. It traced that UrnIazi Mission Reserve was created by
 Deed of Grant in 1862; and that since that date there was a continuous black
 63" Ibid .
 ...,
 .This!.
 641 Ibid.
 642 Ibid.
162
 settlement on it for many years. Though legislation, particularly Acts 25 of 1895 and
 49 of 1903 (Natal) brought into effect certain alterations of detail, they confirmed the
 position of the area as a Mission Reserve.""
 The Commission also proved that at the time of its creation Umlazi Mission Reserve
 was a fairly remote rural Reserve separated from Durban by three unbridged rivers
 (Umbilo, Umhlathuzana and Umlazi rivers). The intention, as in the case of many
 other Mission Reserves situated up and down the Natal Coast, was to provide homes
 where the Blacks might live a rural life on lines somewhat more progressive than
 those of the neighbouring tribal locations and with the hope of attaining some form
 of legal title to their lands....
 In the passage of time, however, as Durban grew industrially, the remoteness of
 Umlazi Mission from the city became something of the past. By 1946 the Durban
 Municipal boundary had been advanced to Umlazi River which formed the northern
 boundary of the Umlazi Mission and to some extent this, with other Native Reserves
 and tribal locations, had become peri-urban. The Commission's own inspection of
 the area, however reinforced by the statistics given by the Department's Technical
 Committee, led to the conclusion that there was still a rural element in the Reserve.
 The Commission found that in addition to sugar cane, the Reserve had valuable
 banana plantations and orchards comprising mangoes, avocado pears and citrus. They
 also discovered that not enough had been done to modernize the Mission Reserve and
 to further the general progress. 64S
 These and other issues were considered by the Native Affairs Commission and
 representatives of the Blacks (mentioned in Chapter 5 and 6) whose rights were
 affected by the City Council's proposals also wanted to know the fate of the black
 residents on the Reserve. The Commission therefore felt the request made by black
 643
 ...
 Ibid .
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
163
 representatives was reasonable and desired that the matter be submitted to the City
 Council with a view [0 further information being given on the following points:
 (a) The Ilature of the future settlement and approximately what proportion would
 be set aside for individual tenure.
 (b) Whether it was the intention of the Council to proceed with the erection of a
 hostel on the Umlazi Glebe Lands in terms of its programme of Post-War
 Development.
 (c) Whether compensation would be paid to existing allotment holders who were
 required to move and upon what basis. The sugar quota was an important
 factor and would have to be taken into consideration.
 (d) The conditions under which existing holders would be integrated into the new
 scheme. with special reference to the following matters:
 (i) The extent of the new allotments.
 (ii) Whether these would be given free of charge.
 (iii) Title:.
 (iv) Financial assistance in the erection of dwellings in the place of those
 vacated.
 (v) Grazing of stock.
 (e) The intentions in regard to trading rights.
 (t) What provision would be made for transport services. 646
 [n terms of Section 10 of Act No. 49 of 1903 the Anglican Mission received one half
 of the rents paid by the residents amounting to (in the case of Umlazi Mission
 Reserve) an average sum of918 pounds
 (about RI 836.00) calculated over the past three years i.e. (since December 1945
 correspondence received: Chief Native Commissioner,
 Natal - Town Clerk, Durban, (Annexure Cl 14 December
 1945, Memorandum for JUdicial Commission and Native
 Affairs in Durban (Chapters vi - iXl.
164
 retrogressively). On this aspect the Commission wanted the Council's views."7
 All these matters from the point of view of the Native Affairs Commission were to
 be considered by the Durban City Council and solutions found before the urbanisation
 of Umlazi could be effected.
 4. THE SOLUTIONS OF THE DURBAN CITY COUNCIL REGARDING QUERIES
 MADE BY THE NATIVE AFFAIRS COMMISSION
 Following questions that had been raised by the Native Affairs Commission
 concerning problems envisaged in the transfer of Umlazi Mission Reserve, the City
 Council provided details on how these problems could be solved. The answers to
 these problems were supplied mainly by the City and Water Engineers Department.
 Because of his role and long experience in the affairs of Blacks, Mr T.I. Chester,
 Manager in the Department of Native Administration, Durban, (1937 - 1947), also
 submitted his observations and recommendations.
 Ca) Individual Tenure:
 On the question of individual tenure Mr Chester was of opinion that until it
 was known by the black community that individual tenure could be obtained,
 it was not possible to estimate what proportion of the land would be required
 for that purpose. Chester was convinced that a considerable number of
 applications would be forthcoming and recommended that subject to applicants
 being in a position to meet their obligations, the Council should approve such
 applications without necessarily laying down a quota.64I
 647 Ibid.
 Correspondence received: Chester Town Clerk,
 Durban, (Annexure El, 13 February, 1946, Memorandum
 for JUdicial Commission on Native Affairs in Durban
 (Chapters vi - iXl.
165
 Concerning the integration of existing occupants of the Reserve into the new scheme,
 that. according to Chester, would depend a great deal upon the status of the individual
 families. Those occopants who did not follow agricultural pursuits would be absorbed
 into Council houses or granted individual tenure. Depending upon whether the City
 Council acquired the land by purchase or by special legislation so would the Council
 determine whether allotments would be given free of charge or not subject to the
 allottee bearing cost of transfer.
 Mr Chester assumed that in respect of allotments being made according to the
 conditions that have ht:en described freehold title would be granted.'"
 Al'cording to the City Engineer, in selecting Umlazi Mission Reserve, his Department
 had always assumed that while the future township would be essentially a dormitory
 suhurb supplying the black labour for the southern industrial area, it would otherwise
 be more or less self-sufticient in trade, handicrafts and agriculture. Much, however,
 depended on the topography. He pointed out that the topography of the Reserve was
 not conducive to cheap development. There were numerous valleys and ridges which
 required careful planning and design. He recommended that the ridge development
 had tu be dense (as it had happened at Blackhurst), that is lots of approximately 5,000
 sq. ft. giving an overall density of 5 or 6 houses per acre. But on the other hand
 because of the alternating ridges and valleys, ample open space wo'uld be available
 in close proximity to the densely developed areas. 650
 The junctions of the ridges would form neighbourhood or civic centres and would be
 designed accordingly to accommodate shops, schools, and other public buildings.
 However, the City Engint:er, pointed out that it was practically impossible to estimate
 the overall capacity of the Reserve in houses or population until detailed contour
 ...
 05<1
 Ibid.
 Report of H.A. Smith City and water Engineer (Annexure
 D), 11 February, 1946, Memorandum for JUdicial
 Commission on Native Affairs in Durban (Chapter vi  
x) ?
166
 surveys had been carried out to enable planning to rake place. He further pointed out
 thar if economical development was to be obtained, both the proportion and siting of
 the area to be set aside for individual tenure would, to some extent, be dependent
 upo,; topography??"
 (b) Grazing of stud
 The City Engineer believed that with the stormwater drainage, no difficulties
 would be experienced with stock grazing in the valley provided the areas set
 aside for agricultural purposes were properly fenced and fly breeding properly
 controlled. This would require the services of an experienced agriculture
 ofticer who would exercise a general supervision, more especially in respect
 of the number of cattle allowed on any particular unit or area.652
 The urbanisation of the area would, in the opinion of the City Engineer,
 accommodate supervised agricultural development. In his opinion there was
 no reason why sound agricultural practice, including crop rotation should not
 be initiated in the area, with the object of encouraging contiguous areas to
 follow .suit.?.Il
 (c) Trading Rights
 The Native Affairs Commission had always wanted an explanation concerning
 measures to be adopted in connection with trading rights for residents at
 Umlazi Mission Reserve. According to Mr Chester trading rights would
 follow the principle laid down in Section 37 of the Natives (urban areas)
 651
 652
 653
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
167
 Consolidation Act. 05. an arrangement which had proved eminently
 satisfactory in the City Council's existing black locations. Thus any Black
 who had already established himself as a trader in the Mission Reserve would
 be afforded an opportunity of continuing to enjoy his present rights if and
 when the land came within the jurisdiction of the City Council. 655
 (d) Transport
 [n considering the scheme the City Engineer pointed out that his Department
 had consistent!y advocated the building of a branch railway line as an essential
 to its success. Road transport might serve the early stages but could never be
 satisfactory as the sole means of transport. On the other hand if rail transport
 were provided before the scheme was initiated, considerable amounts would
 be effected in transport costs of the materials required for the building of the
 scheme?'''' Mr Chester's Department also supported this scheme.
 (e) Umlazi Glebe Lands
 Mr Chester supported the idea of the City Council to reserve at least a portion
 of the Umlazi Glebe Lands for future housing for black employees. This
 major would also help to avoid the creation of small compounds in various'
 parts of the City, which by reason of their size could not be satisfactorily
 654
 655
 section 37 of Act No. 25 of 1945 authorized any urban
 local authority to let sites or buildings in black
 locations for trading or busine'"ss purposes to the
 urban local authority and to Blacks if such a course
 was in the interests of the residents of the location
 or village.
 Correspondence received: Chester Town Clerk,
 Durban, (Annexure El, 13 February 1946, Memorandum for
 Judicial Commission on Native affairs in Durban,
 (Chapters vi - iXl.
 Report of H.A. Smith, city and water Engineer, Durban,
 (Annexure D), 11 February 1946, Memorandum for
 JUdicial Commission on Native Affairs in Durban,
 (Chapters vi - iXl.
168
 supervised. 057
 (t) Compensation
 The principle of compensating occupants for the loss of their property had
 already been adopted in Durban. Mr Chester saw the question of
 compensation [0 be on parallel lines to the case of those Blacks who were
 residing on the B1ackhurst Estate when it was acquired by the Durban City
 Council. However, in the case of Umlazi Mission Reserve, the question of
 sugar cane was an important factor but Mr Chester suggested that the
 precedent created in the case of Blackhurst Estate might well be adhered to
 (g) Rentals for the Anglican Church
 The question of rent paid by black residents on the Mission Reserve to the
 Anglican Church was vital. The City Council had to raise its views on the
 matter. It had to decide whether it was considered that the Mission should
 receive tinancial help from the Council in the event of its income falling away
 by reason of the Reserve being acquired by the City council. Mr Chester
 assumed that if the Council acquired the Mission Reserve by purchase, it
 would be reasonable to suggest that the Anglican Mission be paid a portion of
 the purchase price to compensate it for the loss of the revenue. On the other
 hand the City Council could get Umlazi Mission Reserve by legislation
 without tinancial adjustment. If the land was acquired by legislation, Mr
 Chester suggested that the City Council should consider the payment of an
 annual grant to the Anglican Mission. Such a grant would be equivalent to
 657
 658
 Correspondence received:
 Durban, 13 February 1946.
 for JUdicial Commission on
 (Chapters vi - ix).
 Ibid.
 Chester Town Clerk,
 (Annexure E), Memorandum
 Native Affairs in Durban,
169
 the then policy of the Native Revenue Account whereby rent was paid to the
 Borough Fund for land used for black housing and other purposes such as
 Beer Halls. n'"
 s. RECOMMENDATIONS MADE BY THE NATIVE AFFAIRS COMMISSION
 After carrying out their investigation and after hearing evidence from various parties
 (including the Durban City Council) the Native Affairs Commission submitted their
 recommendations to the Minister of Native affairs on 4 April, 1946.660
 Because of its historical background and its rural character the Commission did not
 support the idea of urbanizing Umlazi Mission Reserve on the lines suggested by the
 Durban City Council. They wrote as follows:
 The Commission's feeling has been that in view of the length
 of the period of occupation of the Mission Reserve and in view
 also of the existence of a good many other Mission Reserves on
 the Natal Coast, some in fairly close proximity to Durban, any
 change leading to the expropriation of sites and the
 transfonnation of the Reserve into an urban settlement will be
 most undesirable. 661
 Instead of the City Council's scheme the Commission considered the question of a
 possible alternative programme for Umlazi Mission Reserve and other Mission
 Reserves on the Natal Coast. However, this further enquiry which might open up
 valuable possibilities in the future was not immediately necessary for that present
 session.662
 The Commission was most anxious to examine alternative sites, particularly in view
 Ibid.
 660
 66.
 661
 correspondence received: Native Affairs Commission  
Minister of Native Affairs, (Annexure El, 4 April,
 1946, Memorandum for Judicial Commission on Native
 Affairs in Durban (Chapter vi - iXl.
 Ibid.
170
 uf tile CUlHelHiul1 'Jf the Durban City Council that no land other than the Mission
 Reserve was available in sufficiently large blocks as an outlet for Blacks employed
 in the industries uf Durban. Though the Commission had not been instructed to
 suggest alternative sites in case it could no recommend the alienation of the Umlazi
 Mission Reserve, it felt that the existence of possible alternatives should be indicated
 in its report in order to give a clear picture of the reasons which had influence its
 ulti mate decision. M_I
 In the report attached as Annexure A of the Memorandum for the Minister of Native
 Affairs. reference was made to alternative sites as follows:
 We found that in actual fact the existing Blackhurst location
 could be extended to an area of 1,750 acres capable of
 accommodating some 7 000 houses. We found too that the
 existing Lamont Location could be increased to I 460 acres,
 capable uf carrying 4 500 houses. We found also that between
 Isipingu and Umbongintwini Rivers an extent of about I 000
 acres could be made available to carry some 3 000 houses.
 These three areas could accommodate some 14 500 houses
 which was nearly four times the number of houses
 contemplated by the Council to be erected during the next ten
 years.6i>l
 In connection with the transfer of Blackhurst location to Indians, the members of the
 COl1lmission inspected Blackhurst and were very much impressed by it. They felt that
 a location of that type centrally situated, formed a very important part of any plan for
 the settlement of Blacks in and around Durban. For that reason they felt that it
 should not be interfered with but should be extended to cover the Booth Road area
 which was already virtually a black area.66S
 The Departmental Technical Committee referred also to land in the Klaarwater  
Zeekoegat - Buffelsbosch area and found it to be a compact area of 3 000 acres, able
 -
 Ibid.
 Report of the Native Affairs Commission, Memorandum
 for JUdicial Commission on Native affairs in Durban,
 (Chapter vi - ix).
 Ibid.
171
 to accomlllodate IU UUU families under township conditions. If this area could be
 needed for subse4uenl black expansion and the policy underlying the new legislation
 should in any way be a barrier other compensating Indian land might be found
 elsewhere. """
 The Commission found that between all these alternative propositions there was scope
 for providing freehold family industrial settlements in and around Durban without any
 need for the excision of the Umlazi Mission Reserve. 667
 Another important consideration to be borne in mind was that black inhabitants of the
 Mission Reserve were agriculturists. The Commission pointed out that should the
 Mission Reserve be excised it would be necessary that land of equal agricultural and
 pastoral value should be found somewhere in the vicinity of Durban. On that land
 the residents removed from the Mission Reserve would be able to carry on farming
 under climatic and soil conditions such as they had been accustomed to. In the
 opinion of the Commission such land could not be found easily and if it could be
 found the cost would be very great indeed....
 The Departmental Committee also showed that in Umlazi Mission Reserve there were
 some 950 Black families or 5 150 souls, occupying allotments of varying sizes, the
 total area under cultivation being approximately 2 200 acres.669 The Commission
 felt that under these circumstances it would be difficult to integrate these people into
 the Municipal scheme that the Durban City Council suggested.
 The Commission considered the City Council's point of view and felt that on certain
 points the Council had shown a real desire to meet the views of the Commission and
 the needs of the people. However, it found that much of the City Council's
 ... Ibid.
 667 Ibid.
 66lI Ibid.
 669 Ibid.
172
 programme was still vague and did not meet all the difficulties of the situation.610
 [n view of these facts the Commission recommended that the request of the Durban
 City Council to acquire Umlazi be not acceded to 611
 6. PROBLEMS RA[SED BY THE CITY COUNCIL IN CONNECTION WITH THE
 PROPOSED ALTERNAT[VES
 [n response to the report of the Native Affairs Commission cited above the City
 Council submitted a report on 17 July 1946, in which it pointed out some difficulties
 and possibilities connected with the proposed alternatives. The City and Water
 Engineer, Mr H.A. Smith, pointed out that whatever might be the outcome, the report
 of the Native Affairs Commission would inevitably lead to a delay and a complete
 stoppage of the programme, unless very rapid progress in settling preliminary matters
 was madeoll
 Concerning the question of alternatives, the Council made a study of them on general
 lines, as follows:
 I. Chesterville {formerly Blackhurstl
 The Council accepted the idea of the extension of Chesterville which it had
 also proposed before. The Council had proposed the acquisition of Pillay's
 land but the Administrator's approval could not be obtained. A further
 extension had been advocated at the time the Post-War Special Committee was
 taking evidence. However, the total area of both these extensions together
 61U
 671
 672
 Ibid.
 correspondence received: city and Water Engineer
 Durban - Minister of Native Affairs, (Annexure G), 17
 July, 1946, Memorandum for Judicial Commission on
 Native Affairs in Durban, (Chapters vi - ix).
674
 67S
 173
 with the existing locations, would amount to less than half that suggested by
 the Commissiun (that is 1750 acres = 7000 houses). Besides, any further
 extensiun maue in this area would not be made without encountering
 extremely broken and rocky terrain in which construction costs would be
 considerably higher than the already high costs of Chesterville. Moreover the
 Council was also doubtful if the density per acre set out by the Commission
 would be reasonably attained. Whilst, therefore, from an engineering angle,
 some extension could take place the question of planning in connection with
 a major extension would seem to need consideration. 67]
 Another important consideration about Chesterville or Blackhurst, was
 transport. The City Engineer explained that any form of road transport to
 serve the area would either have to be operated on a sub-economic basis or
 fares would have to be charged which would be beyond the reasonable
 capacity of the tenants to pay. Additional subsidy for transport would
 therefore be essential. Railway facilities for a scheme proposed by the
 Commission wuuld have to be made available but these would be difficult and
 cost!y to provide and would necessitate a considerable amount of replanning
 on tbe route between Chesterville and Main Line. 614
 Railway transport would be essential also if the area between Chesterville and
 the summit of the Berea was to be developed to any great extent, irrespective
 of the requirements of Chesterville itself. So once the township was fully
 developed, road transport alone, could only end in chaos. The provision of
 railway facilities to Chesterville was not, therefore out of the question, but a
 decision on the point was a necessary preliminary to consideration of an
 extension on the scale suggested. 61S
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
174
 One other aspect of planning concerned the land itself. It was assumed that 1
 750 acres suggested by the Commission might be insufficient to accommodate
 7 000 houses. Since much land here was Indian owned, this would raise
 political difficulties which it would be the duty of the Government to solve
 and not the City Council676 .
 2. Lamontville
 Lamont already consisted of an area of approximately 444 acres, while an
 additional .\27 had been approved and gazetted as an extension. The area
 suggested amount to 700 acres additionally. Such an area might appear
 feasible by including approximately 700 acres northward, that is, towards
 Woodland, which was a European area. Such an extension would obliterate
 the natural feature that had been chosen as the boundary between the zones for
 Whites and Blacks and Native zones, without any corresponding boundary
 being jXlssible. The proposal could not, therefore be agreed to under any
 circumstanl:es."n
 If Lamont was extended westwards onto the farm Zeekoe Valley, the City
 Engineer, pointed out that transport services would present great difficulty and
 stated further that urban development in terrain of the nature that would be
 encountered could not be contemplated while Umlazi Mission Reserve
 remained undeveloped.m
 The suggestion to expand Lamont westwards would also entail acquisition
 from Indian owners and would seem unjustified while black lands across the
 river remained virtually unused. This would again be a problem for the
 676
 6n
 671
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
175
 Governmenl (0 solve. M7?
 3. Area between Isipingo and Umbongintwini Rivers
 The City and Water Engineer maintained that except for a small area close to
 the Soutli Coast Road, this land was believed to be part of the Umlazi
 Location. Therefore any argument used against the acquisition of the Mission
 Reserve could also be used in the case of this area. Besides, physical
 conditions appertaining to urban development were more difficult than in the
 Mission Reserve. while an extra return journey of at least six miles per day
 would be nt:t:essary for reaching the industrial area. The City Council
 therefore found it difficult to justify this recommendation as sound planning
 unless Umlazi Mission Reserve was first developed.630
 4. Klaarwater - Zeekoegat - Buffelsbosch District
 Concerning this area as one of the proposed sites, the City and Water
 Engineer pointed out that acquiring it would have meant to dispossess Indians.
 Besides. much of this land was found to be steep and badly eroded. All the
 better land where development could otherwise be recommended, lay more
 than 500 feet vertically above and one to four miles away from the railway.
 In view of the inevitably longer railway journey and the necessity for internal
 transport as feeder services from the stations, the City Council found it
 difticult to justify this proposal even on a long term basis.6I1
 In short the City Council could not agree to the second, third and fourth alternatives
 but the tirst alternative (that is the extension of Chesterville) was feasible either:
 ...'
 611
 ThMl .
 .I!1j,g.
 .IQig.
176
 (a) in part, by utilising the areas mentioned above either one or both might be
 considered as a pure!y temporary measure and providing transport difficulties
 were recognised or
 (b) in toto, providing the Government accepted the onus of acquiring Indian
 owned land, of constructing a railway line which would serve the area
 contemplated. The Government would also have to provide an additional
 subsidy in respect of the extra expense which would be incurred in developing
 comparatively unsuitable terrain. It also had to recognise that such a scheme
 could not provide a permanent solution of the problem of housing Blacks on
 a family basis??2
 7. DEADLOCK
 After considering views from all sides, the Minister of Native Affairs made his final
 decision. He rejected the proposals of the Durban City Council to acquire Umlazi
 Mission Reserve and later pointed out that this had been so because the Council had
 presented a poor case. /Ill]
 The rejection of the proposals of the City Council created a deadlock in the
 negotiations which made the Council to temporarily suspend its plans until the matter
 was reconsidered by the Government.
 In 1946 the Mayor, Senator SJ. Smith, recorded this event as follows:
 In connection with the Major Native Scheme at Umlazi Mission
 Reserve it would perhaps be recorded that the Commission
 appointed by the Minister of Native Affairs to enquire into the
 matter has reported adversely upon the proposals, primarily
 because of the disturbance of the black community settled
 under rural conditions in the Reserve. In view of the fact that
 no suitable alternative site exists, it is hoped that the matter
 /182
 613
 Ibid.
 Minutes of Council in-Committee Meeting 10 January,
 1947, Durban Town Clerk File. 1/1/18.
177
 will be reconsidered by the responsible Government
 authorities. M...
 The last sentence of the statement above shows that in spite of the frustration caused
 by the judgement of the Native Affairs Commission the City Council was still
 prepared to raise the issue of Umlazi Mission Reserve by appealing for the reversal
 of the decision taken by the Government.
 8. RENEWAL OF NEGOTIATIONS (1947)
 Because of the very urgent need for houses for Blacks the Durban City Council
 decided not to wait too long to resume negotiations with the Government.
 Accordingly on 12 July 1946 the Native Administration Committee of the City
 Council, adopted a resolution that the Town Clerk be asked to arrange a meeting with
 the Natal Provincial Executive.685 A deputation comprising the Chairman
 (Councillor Mrs E.M. Shirley), Councillor A.I. Barns, I.P. (Deputy Mayor), the
 Town Clerk and the Manager, Native Administration Department, would meet with
 the Natal Provincial executive to convey the Council's disappointment with the
 Minister's rejection of its application for the acquisition of the Umlazi Mission
 Reserve. 6>6 The aim was to obtain the assistance of the Natal Provincial Executive
 to have the matter reopened and reconsidered. 681
 As a result of representations made by the City Council to the Government, the
 Native Affairs Commission (consisting this time of only three members) again visited
 Durban during August 1947, and made a further investigation of the whole
 question. 688
 684 Mayors Minute, 1946, p.3.
 685 Ibid.
 686 Ibid.
 681 Thj,g.
 688 Ibid.
178
 Though th~ Umlazi Mission land issue was mainly in the hands of the Minister of
 ativ~ Affairs and to som~ extent the Provincial Administration, in 1947, the matter
 was also referred to the Prime Minister, General Smuts. Smuts then saw some
 complications in the matter because of the provision of the Land Settlement Scheme
 of 19.'6."'" He th~n wanted to know from the Provincial Administration what the
 position was about th~ Umlazi Mission land issue690
 In pursuing the matter the Prime Minister enquired as to whether the Durban City
 Council would have any objection to the land being handed over to the Native Affairs
 Department for housing development.'" In reply, the Mayor, R Ellis Brown,
 intimated that he Council would be satisfied, as long as something was done to
 provide additional housing accommodation. 692
 After hearing further representations from the City Council, the Native Affairs
 Commission made their second report on 30 October 1947."3
 Their recommendations may be summarised as follows:
 ( I )
 (2)
 (3)
 .'IQ
 ..,
 That the previous recommendation against the handing over of the Mission
 Reserve to the City Council be adhered to.
 That the extension of the Lamont Location in the direction of Woodlands (a
 European residential anea) be discussed with the City Council.
 That the Klaarwater anea, which the Commission's previous report had
 indicated as suitable for the housing of Durban Natives, was unsuitable for
 Minutes of Council-in-Committee Meeting of 17 July,
 1947, Durban Town Clerk File No. 1/1/18.
 Ibid .
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Report of Judicial Commission on Native Affairs in
 Durban, p. 43.
 "
179
 that purpos.:.
 (4) That the ar.:a zoned for Blacks in the vicinity of Sea Cow Lake be considered
 in connection with future plans.
 (5) That Native village settlements under the Department of Native Affairs be
 established in the Mission Reserve. 6'"
 These proposals show that although the Commission adhered to its former
 recommendations, namely, that Umlazi Mission Reserve, should not be handed over
 to the City Council, it now based its recommendations upon different grounds. The
 basis of the previous recommendations had been that the City Council had no claim
 to the Mission Reserve because there was available, within and outside the City,
 sufficient land to meet the requirements of black housing. It became implicit in the
 second report that this was not really the case. The Commission seem to have
 realised that the proposed alternative sites were not going to meet the demands of the
 situation as Umlazi Mission Reserve would have done. For that reason the
 Commission reconsidered its views and modified its decisions.
 9. CONCLUSION
 The information and testimony studied in this chapter shows that though the Durban
 City Council was desperate to acquire Umlazi Mission Township for purposes of
 black housing, it had not worked out all the details of the scheme. Crucial questions
 on matters that worried the Blacks most such as land tenure, agriculture, grazing,
 sugar plantations etc. were not addressed in a convincing manner. The Council
 could not promise in absolute terms that these questions would be solved to the
 satisfaction of the Blacks.
 Another aspect in which the Durban City Council did not come out clearly was
 whether the black families in the Reserve would be absorbed by the scheme (that is
 totally urbanised) or whether they would be compensated with other land to assist
 Ibid.
180
 them maintain their rural identity.
 It would not be wrong therefore to conclude that the Durban City Council had
 hal f-baked solutions for the problem. This was so because the City Council was in
 a dilemma. It could not build an urban township at Umlazi Mission Reserve and still
 accommodate black aspirations. It was for this reason that the Native Affairs
 Commission decided not to accede to the request of the City Council. Hence the
 deadlock.
 However. the step taken by the Durban City Council to reverse the decision of the
 Government and the subsequent renewal of negotiations, shows clearly that the
 Council wanted its will done eventually. They desired to acquire Umlazi regardless
 of the wishes of the Blacks and their white supporters and also in spite of the legal
 protection that the Blacks of the Mission Reserve believed they enjoyed.
 In these circumstances the Government found itself under pressure to yield and
 reappointed the same Commission to investigate the matter again. As indicated, in
 the second report the Commission did not do more than make a compromise by
 accepting the development of the Mission Reserve only on condition that it remained
 under the jurisdiction of the Native Affairs Department.
 A close analysis of the dispute shows that the reality of the matter was that the
 Durban City Council was one-sided. It wished to manipulate the mission community
 to its own advantage and force them to abandon their rural life. Furthermore the City
 Council wanted to influence the Government to take the same view as the Council.
 The situation as it was, made it imperative for the Smuts Government to call for yet
 another authority that would re-assess the issue and hopefully arrive at a decision that
 would be in line with the requirements of the Durban City Council. Such an
 authority emerged in the Broome Commission whose activities and findings are
 discussed in the next Chapter.
181
 CHAPTER 8
 UMLAZI MISSION DESTINED AS A BLACK URBAN TOWNSHIP OF
 DURBAN. 1947 - 1948
 I. INTRODUCTION
 This chapter is the climax of this study. It discusses the work of the Broome
 Commission. The task of this Commission was to assist the Government by
 investigating once more the possibility of incorporating Umlazi Mission Reserve to
 Durban.
 The chapter looks into the following events: the appointment of the Broome
 COl11mission: a general study by the Commission of the problems of Blacks in
 Durban after the Second World War; the views of the Commission about the
 acquisition of Umlazi Mission Reserve. The Commission made a review of the
 history of Umlazi Mission Reserve and it was on the basis of that historical
 background that the Commission made its analysis and recommendations.
 This chapter shows how the Broome Commission arrived at the conclusion which
 intluenced the government to accept the principle of urbanizing Umlazi Mission
 Reserve.
 2. THE APPOINTMENT OF THE BROOME COMMISSION
 The Broome Judicial Commission was appointed by the Governor-General in terms
 of Government Notice No. 2120 on 10 October 1947.695 Mr Justice F.N. Broome
 K.C.M.C. was appointed as Commissioner to enquire into the legitimate needs and
 grievances on the black population of Durban in respect of housing, health, welfare
 695 Annual Report of the Native Administration Department,
 Durban, Mayors Minute, 1948, p. 118.
182
 and r~neational t?acililies.""" Once these facts had been obtained, the Commission
 would then appurtion [he respective responsibility of the Government, the Provincial
 Administration and the City Council. Lastly, the Commission would have to report
 what action ought to be taken in regard to those matters."97
 The Commission began its work on 14 November 1947.698 Before this date it had
 invited persons and bodies desiring to furnish information to submit written
 memuranda nut later than 18 October. Many persons and bodies who appeared to
 have information of value received individual attention.'" Four bodies were
 primarily interested in the enquiry, namely, the Union Government's Department of
 Native Affairs. the Provincial Administration, the Durban City Council and the
 general body of the hlack population in Durban.7oo
 The Broome Cummission studied the same reports and memoranda that had been
 forwarded by various bodies for the Native Affairs Commission. It terminated its
 public sittings on I1 December 1947.701
 3. THE FINDINGS OF THE BROOME COMMISSION
 For the purpose of this study the tindings of the Broome Commission shall be split
 into twu parts, namdy its tindings on the problems of Blacks in Durban, in general,
 and secondly, its tindings on the proposal to acquire Umlazi Mission Reserve.
 ... Ibid .
 ..7 Memorandum for the Judicial Commission on Native
 Affairs in Durban (Chapters vi - ix).
 ... Ibid.
 69'l Ibid.
 700 Ibid.
 701 Memorandum for the Judicial commission on Native
 Affairs in Durban (Chapters vi
 -
 ix), November 1947.
183
 (a) A g~l1~ral vi~w of th~ problems of Blacks in
 Durban (1946 - 1947)
 The Broome Commission began its task by first looking at the size and nature
 of the black population in the City and at the factors that contributed to the
 increase of th~ Blacks in Durban. It then proceeded to study the needs and
 grievanc~s of the urban Blacks.
 The Commission found that the black population of Durban had increased
 phenom~nally after the Second World War. According to the Government
 census in 1946 the black population in the city was 75,632 males and 28,523
 females making a total of 104,155.'02 In the same year it was found that the
 white population was 125,056 and the Asiatics were 113,901.'03
 The Gowrnm~nt Department of Native Affairs estimated that in 1946 the
 permanent urbanized population of Durban was about 26,000 leaving a
 balance of about 77,500 representing a migratory population."'" This
 estimate was a very rough approximation.
 The Commission found it difficult to form any accurate idea as to where
 Durban's black population was housed. However, in the table below, the
 Commission found that estimates made by the Government Department of
 Native Affairs, the Durban City Council and the Natal University College
 Department of Economics, showed that there was a wide margin in regard to
 which there was no reliable information whatever.105
 102 Report of the Commission of Native Affairs in Durban,
 November, 1947.
 1113 Ibid.
 1l>I llllil.
 105 Report of the Commission on Native Affairs in Durban,
 November, 1947.
184
 TABLE SHOWING THE HOUSING OF DURBAN'S BLACK
 POPULATION BY 1947
 1.
 2.
 3.
 4.
 5.
 6.
 7.
 8.
 9.
 10.
 11.
 Municipal locations: .
 Municipal hostels: .
 Municipal hostels (casuals) ..
 Government compounds .
 Private employers (licenced
 premises) ..
 Private employers (unlicenced
 premises) ..
 Licenced premises (not employed by
 licencee) .
 Domestic servants .
 Black owned property ..
 Shacks .
 Unknown .
 TOTAL: _ .
 11,000
 12,000
 2,000
 8,000
 10,000
 5,000
 2,000
 27,000
 500
 23,000
 7,000
 109 000106,
 106
 7fn
 These tigures reflect not only the rapid increase in the black population in
 Durban but the fact that many Blacks lived in shacks.
 The Commission found that the existence of the shack areas, constituted, to
 the health of all races in and around Durban, a deadly menace which had to
 be removed at once.7fn According to the Commission the solution of the
 shack problem was two-fold, namely adequate housing had to be provided for
 Ibid.
 Report of the Commission on Native Affairs in Durban,
 NOVember, 1947.
 '.
710
 711
 185
 23.000 shack-dwellers and their shack dwellings had to be demolished. 7("
 The City Council had to provide at once an area where the shack dwellers
 could be accommodated pending the erection of the necessary houses. Such
 an area had to be prepared in advance in the way of access, layout, water
 supply, sanitation and to some extent drainage.709
 However. the Commission suggested that shack clearance and rehousing of
 Blacks could only succeed if further influx of Blacks into the Durban
 Municipal area came under control. The Commission argued that it was no
 use building expensive locations for Durban Blacks if they were to be
 swamped by Blacks from outside. 7I0
 The Commission considered many suggestions made as to the best site for the
 transit camp or controlled squatting area that would precede permanent
 housing. The City Council favoured a portion of the Umlazi Glebe (which it
 had earmarked in 1945 as indicated earlier) and the Commission was satisfied
 that this area was the most suitable.7I1
 However, Umlazi Glebe was also earmarked as one of the best available areas
 for permanent black housing. The objection was therefore that its use as a
 transit-camp might prevent or delay the erection of permanent houses there.
 Engineering expens, however, assured the Commission that the Glebe land
 could be partitioned into two separate areas for transit-camp and permanent
 housing. The two parts would not interfere with the other and much of the
 development work would be common to both. It was possible also that as the
 Ibid.
 nag.
 Ibid.
 Report of the Judicial Commission of Native Affairs,
 Durban, November, 1947.
186
 transit camp grew smaller, so would the permanent housing scheme be
 extended. It was hoped that the need for the camp would eventually
 completely disappear and the whole area would be devoted to its best use.m
 By way of answering the vital question: 
"Where are these houses to be built?"
 The Broome Commission examined the question of the acquisition of Umlazi
 Mission Reserve where the Durban City Council claimed, lied the answer to
 all its black housing problems. The Commission examined the issue of Umlazi
 Mission Reserve in some detail with the double object of forming an opinion
 as to the validity of the Council's claim to the Umlazi Mission Reserve and
 finding an answer to the question. The way would then be clear for the
 making of recommendation as to the steps to be taken.
 (b) The Broome Commission's views about the acquisition of Umlazi Mission
 Reserve
 Like the Native Affairs Commissioo that preceded it, the Broome commission
 also based its views about Umlazi Mission Reserve upon its historical
 foundations. It found that the Mission Reserve was granted in 1862 by the
 Crown to trustees in trust for Blacks. The intent and object for that grant was
 to invite Blacks to occupy and inhabit such lands so that the Church of
 England in Natal might have a fixed population to labour among as
 missionaries. 713
 Three conditions of the original deed of grant became relevant and therefore
 of interest to the Commission, namely that:-
 (I) the Reserve was to remain reserved for the use of Blacks to dwell
 112
 113
 .lllli!.
 .nag.
1'4
 1'l
 1'6
 187
 (2) the Lieutenant-Governor was empowered (upon application of the
 trustee,. to allot and transfer to Blacks resident at any time of the land
 portiuns thereof as to hi m might seem fit and at such price as he might
 think fair and equitable.)
 (3) the Lieutenant-Governor was empowered to order or cause to be
 removed any Black living unlawfully on the Reserve, save and except
 such Blacks as might have had portions of land allotted or transferred
 to them.'"
 According. tu these conditions no freehold titles were granted by the original
 trust. To the Commission this meant that legally, the black residents on the
 Reserve had no claim that they could not be transferred from the land.
 Accordingly the Commission noted as follows:
 So far. therefore, as the deed of grant is
 concerned, every native on the land is subject to
 removal there from by the Lieutenant-Governor
 un the application of the trustees.m
 The Broome Commission went on to study the Acts of 1895 and 1903. It
 found that according to Act 25 of 1895 all Mission Reserves in Natal were
 brought under statutory control. The Governor-in-Council was given power
 to make rules regulating the use and occupation of lands therein and to appoint
 trustees, and all Mission Reserves were deemed to be a part of the Colony
 from which the Supreme Chief (the officer administering the Government)
 might remove any tribe, portion of a tribe or Blacks. The right of Blacks to
 acquire freehold title was expressly preserved.116
 The Act of 1895 was repealed by Act 49 of 1903, which up to the time of
 investigation (1947) was still in force. This latter act made the Natal Native
 Ibid.
711
 119
 188
 Trust the trustees and declared that all Mission Reserves should be kept for
 occupation soldy by Blacks and should be administered for the benefit of the
 Blacks living th.:reon according to the intentions of several deeds by which the
 Reserv.:s had been granted. The atal Native Trust was granted complete
 control of the Mission Reserves, but the Governor in Councils' power to
 regulate was preserved. 717
 The supreme chief's power to remove any tribe, portion of a tribe or Black
 was also preserved but had to be exercised in conjunction with the Natal
 Native Trust. Again the Commission found that nothing was said about
 freehold title. However, in the case of Umlazi Mission Reserve that right was
 impliedly preserved with the preservation of the terms of the original grants.
 Finally by Act 18 of 1936 the Natal Native Trust was merged in the South
 African Native Trust. m
 As far as the Commission interpreted the original Acts, therefore, there was
 no indication that Umlazi Mission Reserve would remain a rural area on a
 permanent basis, as they noted thus:
 Your Commissioner can find nothing in the deed of grant, nor
 in the legislation to which reference has been made, which
 restricts the Mission Reserve to rural uses.1I9
 However, the Commission appreciated the fact that all parties to the original
 transaction contemplated rural uses only, for in 1862 no one had yet thought
 of the black man except as a rural being. Besides, in 1862 and for many
 years thereafrer the Umlazi Mission Reserve was a long way from Durban.
 The Reserve was separated from the town by three unbridged rivers and
 Ibid.
189
 many miles ot agricultural land and virgin forest. nu
 By 1946. however. the geographic scenery of the 19th century had completely
 changed as a result ot the industrial and commercial developments that had
 taken place south ot Durban.m The Commission noted this change of scene
 in some detail as follows:
 Today the position IS very different. The
 Municipal area has advanced to the Umlaas
 River and has even crossed the river to take in
 the Umlazi Glebe; Lamont Native Location is
 now its next door neighbour; large modem
 tactories are already within sight and sound; in
 a shun time aircraft from all parts of the world
 will be tlying over it as they pass to and from
 one of the largest airports in the country only a
 few miles away. The flowing tide of urban
 develupment is engulfing the cane fields, market
 gardens and country estates and is already
 lapping the shores of the Reserve itself.
 Whether one welcomes it or deprecates it, one
 cannot but accept the fact that the peaceful rural
 seclusiun of the Umlazi Mission Reserve has
 now gune forever. m
 The Commission's point of view was therefore that the urbanisation of the
 Reserve could not be avoided. Besides, i~ found that there were about 950
 families of 5.150 souls occupying 7,500 acres. The total area under
 cultivation was approximately 2,200 acres only. In 1943 more than 300 of the
 inhabitants of the Reserve were season ticket commuters and by 1946 this
 number was prubably greater. ID
 72ll Ibid.
 721 Ibid.
 722 Ibid.
 1D Ibid.
n.
 190
 All these facts meant that this community was being urbanized. [n these
 circumstances the Broome Commission made three propositions:
 (I) The Umlazi Mission Reserve had to be dedicated for all time to the
 use uf the Blacks. Any other course would violate the latter and the
 spirit of the original trust and of the subsequent legislation.
 (2) The future development of the Reserve had to be upon urban and
 not rural lines. This change was dictated by the inexorable march of
 time and it would in no way violate the latter or the spirit of the
 original trust.
 (3) The urban development of the Reserve had to include facilities
 wherehy a proportion of the inhabitants might eventually obtain
 freehold title. This was in accordance with the terms of the original
 trust and with the needs and aspirations of the Blacks at that time.m
 The Broome Commission also examined the dispute between the City Council
 and the Department of Native Affairs as to the future of the Mission Reserve.
 It found that in its second report the Native Affairs Commission had accepted
 the urbanisatiun of the Mission Reserve as inevitable. However, the Native
 Affairs Commission ~ad recommended that the urban development of the
 Reserve should be in the hands of the Department of Native Affairs and not
 of the City Council.Tl5
 In this report there was also an implied acceptance of Durban's right to look
 to the Mission Reserve as the future housing area of a considerable portion of
 its black population even though the area would not be under the Durban
 Municipal control.n?
 .llili!.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
191
 It became clear to the Broome Commission that the dispute between the two
 had been considerably narrowed (since in the first report, as already indicated,
 the Native Affairs Commission had rejected altogether the proposal to acquire
 Umlazi Mission Reserve) especially because the City Council was not
 primarily concerned about who could administer the new township. To the
 City Council what was of paramount importance was the acquisition of the
 Reserve so long as houses for Blacks were built there.m
 However, expedition was important because the black housing problem had
 to be solved without delay. The Commission fully agreed with this view. It
 was prepared to recommend, for the urbanisation of the Mission Reserve, that
 scheme which gave the best promise of providing houses for Durban Blacks
 in the shortest time, subject of course, to the rights of Blacks already on the
 Reserve. m
 The Broome Commission nevertheless recommended that whatever facilities
 the Mission Reserve might provide, the City Council was bound to develop
 what other resources were available. These consisted of the extension of
 Chest~rvilleand Lamont and the ultimate acquisition and development of land
 in the Richmond area. m
 Umlazi Glebe, just like the Mission Reserve, from a topographical point of
 view and because of proximity to Durban's main industrial area, was
 admirably suited for black housing purposes. However, it was the only land
 which could be used for controlled squatting measures which the Broome
 Commission regarded as essential.7IO
 m Th.iJ!.
 728 I?ig.
 m I?ig.
 710
 .lllli!.
 '.
731
 m
 192
 But the City Council did not intend to devote the whole of the Glebe to
 controlled ,>quatting but to proceed with the erection of some 700 permanent
 houses. Much of the development of the area such as the provision of roads,
 water. etc. would be common to both schemes, and so both could proceed
 side by side. '"
 The. Native Affairs Commission contemplated that houses should be built on
 an economic basis and that the occupiers should be enabled eventually to
 obtain freehold title. Though such a scheme might be laudable, however, the
 Broome Commission did not think it was what Durban needed. What Durban
 was looking for was the immediate provision of houses for her black
 residents. But what the Native Affairs Commission had in mind was the
 gradual urbanisation of the Mission Reserve. Whereas Durban's need was for
 the sub-economic houses in large numbers and immediately the Commission
 planned for economic houses on a long term basis.
 However. in the opinion of the Broome Commission both authorities had to
 come to some common agreement because they were both responsible for the
 welfare of the Blacks. Thus every consideration of common sense demanded
 that the two authorities should regard their separate problems as one joint
 problem and agree upon a joint solution, as the Broome Commission further
 reponed thus:
 Let them agree upon a method of urban
 development - by which authority does not much
 matter - which will meet the legitimate needs of
 the Natives living on the Mission Reserve, and
 at the same time make a very substantial
 contribution towards the housing of Durban
 Natives. m
 Ibid.
 Extract from the Report on "The Umlazi Mission
 Reserve" in the Report of the Judicial commission on
 Native Affairs in Durban, November, 1947.
73]
 193
 The Commission pointed out that such a method would necessarily involve the
 erection of a large number of sub-economic houses in the shortest possible
 time. It had also to include the erection of a smaller number (the actual
 number being dependent upon the demand) of economic houses of which the
 occupiers might in due course become owners. This was for the benefit of
 those Blacks on the Mission Reserve, or in the Reserves, or in Durban itself
 who needed that type of house. In the former part of the undertaking, that is
 the sub-economic housing, time was the essence whereas in the latter it was
 not. 73J
 An important factor which could not be overlooked by the Commission was
 general black sentiment. The general feeling of Blacks in the Reserve was
 that the Durban City Council had to solve its housing problems by providing
 houses for Blacks elsewhere.
 Though the Commission did not agree with that view it was probably widely
 held among Blacks. For that reason if there were a change of ownership and
 it were not accompanied by the substitutions of other land in exchange, black
 sentiment would not merely be shocked but might even be outraged.
 However, the Commission felt that such a reaction would not take place if the
 development of the Mission Reserve took place in the lines indicated above,
 as this would involve no violation of the letter or spirit of the original
 trust. 734
 But if there was a change of ownership the Commission recommended that it
 ought to be accompanied by the provision of other land in substitution. This
 would be a matter of some difficulty.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
135
 194
 From the above discussion the Broome Commission made five further
 propositiuns. These were:
 ( I) The Ci ty Council did not have available within the Borough sufficient
 land to meet the immediate and imperative demand for black housing.
 The extension of Chesterville and Lamont, and the development of a
 portion of Umlazi Glebe, would still leave a considerable shortfall.
 (2) In all the circumstances, the City Council was entitled to look to the
 Umlazi Mission Reserve to make up the shortfall. It was the pressure
 of Durban's expansion that made the urbanisation of the Reserve
 necessary; its urbanisation was therefore a joint problem which had
 to be jointly solved. Objection to such a transfer was purely
 senti mental.
 (3) It followed that the urbanisation of the Reserve had to be in the hands
 of the Native Affairs Department.
 (4) In as much as the urbanisation scheme recommended by the Native
 Affairs Commission in their last report would not meet the needs of
 the Durban City Council, it was essential that the scheme be modified.
 This was inescapable.m
 After the~ suggestions had been drafted the Commission held informal
 discussions 011 the subject of modification with the representatives of the
 Native Aftairs Department, the Provincial Administration and the City
 Counci I. They agreed that the modification would take place along the
 following lines:
 (l) Houses of sub-economic type would be built so as to meet Durban's
 requirements by providing them in substantial number and with the
 least possible delay.
 (2) The Commission was promised that the Provincial Housing authorities
 Ibid.
737
 195
 would be prepared to undertake the actual erection of these
 sub-economic houses.
 (3) Not the whole Mission Reserve would be urbanized on that basis but
 the Commission had in view a dual scheme of urbanisation. One part
 would he on the lines recommended by the Native Affairs Commission
 in? its last report so as to provide economic houses, and the other part
 would provide sub-economic houses so as to satisfy the requirements
 of the City Council.
 (4) The tirst scheme (that IS, economic housing) would proceed
 deliberately, with experimentation in the employment of black artisans,
 and otherwise, and with the object of eventual freehold title and some
 form of local self-government. The second scheme would proceed
 with immediate effect.
 (5) This dual scheme would undoubtedly necessitate some partition of the
 Reserve. It would also necessitate the closest co-operation between the
 Native Affairs Department and the City CounciL This was essential
 because the sub-economic portion of the scheme would have to
 proceed and conform to the City Council's requirements, and the City
 Council would have to make available the supply of water and
 electricity.n6
 The Broome Commission pointed out, however, that there were difficulties to
 be anticipated and which could not be surmounted in advance. Some of these
 were, for instance, the incidence of the sub-eeonomic loss. There was also
 the question of access by rail which would bring in the Railway
 Administration as an interested party. There was also the question of whether
 the sub-economic portion of the scheme should share in any form of local
 self-government that might be devised. These difficulties were, however,
 amenable to negotiation and arrangement.m
7Jg
 7J9
 196
 To sum up hi, repon about Umlazi Mission Reserve the Commission once
 again empha'lzed the need for expedition as follows:
 Unless the sub-economic ponion of the scheme
 can be put in train as the first priority by the
 authorities concerned, the urbanization of the
 Reserve will not make to the solution of
 Durban's critical Native housing problem, the
 substantial contribution which it should make
 and which the City Council is entitled to expect
 it to make. '"
 From the foregoing discussion it is clear that the urbanisation of Umlazi
 Mission Reserve was seen to be essential as a result of economic forces
 dictated by time. It is clear too that in spite of these economic pressures, the
 Broome Commission was considerate and showed a willingness to make a
 compromise to meet black aspirations to some extent. Firstly, it did not
 recommend change of ownership. In other words the Reserve would remain
 a black area as it had been for decades. But unlike the Native Affairs
 Commission which had insisted on the preservation of the rural character of
 the Mission Reserve, to the Broome Commission this was out of the question.
 Umlazi could not hope to remain rural while it was a close neighbour of an
 urbanized environment. The Broome Commission made this point clear in the
 following argument:
 Those who oppose the urbanisation of the
 Reserve would have a stronger case if they
 could point out to a thriving, closely settled
 community subsisting entirely upon a rural
 ec0l101lly.n?
 Therefore the black community of the Reserve, which had in any case started
 to taste urban life to some extent, would be fully urbanized.
 The other compromise which the Broome Commission seem to have made was
 to recommend that provision be made for houses of economic standard. Such
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
197
 houses could b~ occupied by that class of Blacks that resented being put in
 sUb-ecUI111llli..: 110uses (houses of a uniform nature). To some extent this
 measure met rhe aspirations of the "progressive" element of the Umlazi
 Mission cOllllllunity.
 4. IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BROOME COMMISSION REPORT AND
 CONDITIONS OF URBANISATION
 After completing his work, the Commission, Mr Justice Broome, issued a report on
 his tindings and recommendations on 31 January 1948.740 On that basis the City
 Council made its resolutions. Pertaining to the acquisition of Umlazi Mission the
 Council recommended that:
 (I) the establishment of a controlled squatting camp on the Corporation owned
 Umlazi Glebe Lands be agreed to in principle. The Blacks be pennitted to
 erect their OWI1 dwellings to an approved standard with rudimentary water and
 sanitation facilities provided by the Corporation;
 (2) the proposed urbanisation of the Umlazi Mission Reserve by the Government
 was commended. That the City Council would co-operate in providing
 services therein, subject to satisfactory services therein.14I
 The City Council also found it essential as a part of the policy for the influx
 of Blacks to be controlled. 742 It also resolved to obtain effective powers to
 demolish any new shacks erected. 743 Additional land would be obtained
 where temporary housing of shack dwellers could be pennitted.
 740
 74\
 743
 Mayors Minute, 1948, p. 118.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
 Ibid.
198
 Subsequently the principle of the urbanisation of the Umlazi Mission Reserve
 was accepted by the Government and it was proposed to commence with the
 building uf .1,UUO houses for Blacks on the Reserve in accordance with that
 principle. ,... However, the question of the use of a portion of the Reserve
 for the transitional accommodation of black shack dwellers within the city, in
 addition to the relatively small area of the Umlazi Glebe Lands, became the
 subject of discussion with the Government. The City Council urged upon the
 Government that the temporary use of part of the Mission Reserve for that
 purpose was a problem presented by the large number of illegal shacks of
 Blacks in the city.
 A conference was held in Pretoria on 7 April 1948, under the Presidency of
 the Minister of Health when the subject of the temporary utilisation of 1,000
 acres of the Umlazi Mission Reserve was considered.745 In order to
 implement the tindings of the Commission, on 23 November 1948, the City
 Counci I appoi nted the Deputy Town Clerk and legal advisor and the Acting
 Manager, Native Administration Department, to work on the first phase of the
 project. Their function was to discuss with the Urban Areas Section of the
 Union Native Affairs Department the legal and administrative difficulties
 relating to the establishment of a transit camp on the Urnlazi Glebe Lands.746
 However, after an inspection of the area and full consideration of the subject
 the Minister of Native Affairs was unable to authorize such a scheme.747
 The Council directed that further representations be made to the Hon. the
 Minister of Public Health and Native Affairs, or, if necessary the
 re-appointment of the Broome Commission to investigate the position.748
 144 Ibid.
 145 Ibid.
 141, Ibid.
 147 Ibid.
 148 Ibid.
 :
199
 There followeu negotiations between the Native Affairs Commission, the
 Blacks of the Mission Reserve, and the Mission Reserve Association when the
 principle uf closer selllemenr of the Reserve was agreed 10.749 The
 following detinite conditions of urbanisation were accepted:
 I. Umlazi Mission Reserve land would not be transferred by the South African
 Native Trust to the Durban Corporation.
 2. The establishment of closer settlement areas would be carried out by the
 Union Departmel1l of Native Affairs in three ways, namely:
 (a) By the provision of plots with individual title;
 (b) By the provision of dwellings on a leasehold basis with option to
 purchase after a qualifying period; and
 (c) The provision of houses for letting only (sub-economic).
 3.
 4.
 5.
 6.
 7.
 8.
 9.
 749
 Existing Mission Reserve residents dispossessed of their holdings would be
 given prderenl:e in the allocation of sites and be permitted to acquire
 individual title.
 Such dispossessed residents would be paid compensation.
 Mission Reserve residents retaining their holdings would not be given sites in
 the developed areas.
 No promise could be given that residents in the developed areas would be
 given grazing in the remainder of the Reserve but the matter could be
 considered later.
 People from outside the Mission Reserve would be admitted to the developed
 area but, to ensure that only suitable persons entered there would be full
 consultation with representatives of the Blacks when considering applications.
 Opportunity would be afforded to the residents to develop their own local
 government.
 Details regarding the above matters could not be given at the time of the
 l!2i!;!.
200
 discussions but they would be worked out later in consultation with the black
 people.""
 5. CONCLUSION
 The decisions adopted by Government in 1948 as discussed above marked the end of
 controversy betw~n [he Government and various bodies about the future development
 of Umlazi Mission lands. There were of course some Blacks and their white
 sympathizers whu were still opposed to the action that was being taken. However,
 such opposition at thi, juncture was purely sentimental and could not be entertained.
 The Broome Commission started its work shortly before the coming to power of the
 National Party Government. The ruling United Party of General Smuts was ousted
 from power in May 1948 and in that way the future of South Africa and therefore of
 Umlazi Mission fell into the hands of Dr Malan's National Party.
 From the account given ahove it is clear that since 1942, much had been done under
 the Smuts Government to negotiate and shape the future of Umlazi Mission Station
 and Reserve. Everything seem to have pointed to one direction, that the area was
 well on the road towards urbanisation and it was most unlikely that the new
 Government would wind the clock backward. Consequently when the conditions of
 urbanisation were tinally proclaimed in November 1948 the reigns of power were in
 the hands of the National Party Government.
 It would not be wrong therefore to say that the new Government followed in the
 footsteps of the previous Government when it accepted and endorsed the
 recommendations of the Broome Commission. However, the National Party had its
 own political philosophy and the urbanisation of Umlazi Mission would follow a
 different social programme based on the Nationalist Party ideology. Thus Umlazi
 Mission. after close to a century in existence as a rural area, was destined to become
 a black township as part of Greater Durban.
 7SOIbid.
201
 CONCLUDING REMARKS
 The land problem of Umlazi Mission Station and Reserve, which culminated in the
 declaration of the territory as a future black township of Durban, is a manifestation
 of an interplay of forces all of which contributed in shaping the destiny of the Mission
 Station and its people.
 Firstly, Umlazi Mission Station was a victim of its Eeo~raphic position. As indicated,
 Ul11lazi Location, in which the Mission Station was founded, was a coastal area. That
 alone aroused jealousy and disputes among white settlers. Thus the nearness of the
 mission station to white areas made the area vulnerable to white infiltration.
 In later years the close neighbourliness of Umlazi Mission Station to Durban proved
 to be a blessing and a disadvantage at the same time. The town offered jobs to some
 residents of the Mission. However, because the Misson station was situated only 16
 kms south of Durban, it could not stand isolated as a rural area for ever. The fast
 industrialisation of Durban highlighted a principle and and set in motion a process
 whereby the extension of boundaries and absorption of adjacent areas became a corner
 stone of the emerging development. The south coast became an important industrial
 growth point. Also various formerly autonomous areas were incorporated under
 Durban. This development process was to include Umlazi Mission station by virtue
 of its proximity to the urban infra structure mushrooming at its door step.
 Thus the geographic location of Umlazi Mission can be regarded as the primary factor
 in the subsequent land related problems and events. Had the Mission Station been
 situated a longer distance from Durban (say 50 Ions upWands) like Imfume and
 Umtwalume Missions in the South Coast, and Umvoti and Maphumulo Missions in
 the North Coast, the value of the territory as a potential urban settlement would
 probably have been less or totally non existent.
 Secondly, the events described in this study, show that Umlazi Mission was a victim
 of religious and theological misunderstandings. Internal problems in the Anglican
202
 Church created a poorly motivated leadership and a divided and weak administration.
 Consequently the material interests of the Black tenants on the Umlazi Mission
 Reserve were not safe- guarded by the church. Hence the church failed to secure free
 hold rights for land for its followers. Had the church done its duty in the 19th century
 to secure individual titles for its black land holders, the Black residents, backed by
 the legal documents, would have had a strong leverage to support their case. In the
 1940's when the Church eventually demanded that Umlazi people should be given the
 right to own the land, such a protest had no impact. The church had been overtaken
 by events. Thus the people's request could not be entertained at that stage.
 Thirdly, this study demonstrates that Umlazi Mission was a victim of~
 developments in Durban. Over the years Durban faced a huge black population for
 whom no adequate provision had been made in housing and other facilities. It was
 seen that the homelessness of black urban masses resulted in social problems that
 the Durban City Council had to contain.
 But the social problems of Durban had another side. They played a significant role
 in the decision to urbanise Umlazi Mission. The mission was seen as the place that
 could alleviate Durban's social problems.
 Umlazi Mission was also a victim of oolitical and ideological factors. As a conquered
 race the Blacks in Natal had lost their political independence and were then at the
 mercy of their white masters. With the creation of Black Locations and mission
 stations the Blacks received only those benefits the British Government felt were
 good for them.
 As regards land ownership rights, British policy was erratic and inconsistent on
 Mission Reserves. Consequently the missionaries used their individual discretion in
 deciding whether or not their converts would have titles for the land they occupied.
 The people of Umlazi were denied the privilege of legally owning land on an
 individual basis. This was because neither the colonial government nor the
 missionaries took the initiative to do that.
203
 The political impotence of the Blacks also manifested itself after Union with the
 imposition of the Native Land Act of 1913. Deprived of farming and pastoral land,
 Blacks tlocked to the towns where they were absorbed by industry as urban workers.
 Yet by law Black workers in towns were "temporary sojoumers" whose homes were
 in the Reserves or Locations. Consequently the Local authorities took time to accept
 Blacks as permanent town residents who thus deserved full citizenship rights. In
 Durban the response to provide Blacks with the necessary accommodation was slow.
 When eventually the problem was seriously addressed, it was almost out of proportion
 to available resources. The Durban City Council had to decide under pressure to find
 suitable land to house the Blacks. Umlazi Mission Station was therefore a victim of
 this protracted political indecision.
 Another political dimension in the land problem of Umlazi was that land suited to
 house Durban Black workers was ignored because it was white owned. Whites who
 enjoyed political power could veto in Parliament any decision that would endanger
 their interest. Blacks became easy prey in these circumstances. Umlazi Mission land
 was chosen to satisfy the needs of white Durban, yet it was the Black people who had
 to make the sacrifice in terms of land.
 This political limitation was apparent in the concluding statement of the Natal Mission
 Reserve Association when they said:
 We are a conquered race. We are inarticulate "children". As
 such almost anything may be done with or to US. 7S1
 Generally Blacks attributed their problems to the fact that they enjoyed no political
 rights. Some even saw it as a futile exercise to demand certain rights if they were not
 represented in Parliament. Commenting in the "Ilanga". one Black warned his black
 compatriots who had purchased land near urban areas as follows:
 7S1 state Archives, Pretoria, Evidence of the
 Mission Reserve Association, NTS 915/56,
 Mission Reserve Evidence.
 Natal
 Umlazi
204
 According to the laws of the Province of Natal, the Provincial
 Administrator is under no obligation to accept any petition
 made by non-parliamentary voters. That is us. We have no
 vote gentlemen even if we make petitions. 7l2
 The developments at Umlazi Mission especially in the 1940's is also a reflection of
 modem economic trends in the development of metropolitan areas. The study
 highlighted the problems usually faced by communities in regions having to undergo
 massive industrialisation. The urbanisation of such communities is usually a natural
 response to changed economic conditions. This problem is a characteristic of all
 industrial towns, not only in South Africa, but also throughout the world. The
 historian, de Kiewiel. points out that the growth of towns and a decline in rural
 population is a sign that a country is becoming more prosperous and more advanced
 in its economic structure. m He further explains that since the Second World War,
 New Zealand, Australia and some of the older countries of Western Europe, have all
 experienced an exodus from rural to urban areas. 754
 Rural-urban migration presents, in most cases, many problems for local authorities
 concerned. One of these problems is town planning. In the interest of the entire
 urban community. the town planners have to consider how to accommodate
 infra-structural projects such as industry, business, roads, residential facilities and so
 on needed by town. Land is usually a crucial issue in town planning since all urban
 -' .
 projects can only be developed on new sites.
 The building of residential areas to house the town's manpower is also vital. In a
 potentially industrial town, such as Durban, black housing becomes a crucial issue.
 Building proper houses on a massive scale becomes inevitable because mass and
 unsystematic urbanisation of people leads in most cases to the proliferation of
 informal settlements around the city. This, as indicated, is what happened in Durban
 752
 753
 754
 Ilanqa Lase Natali, 24 May, 1941, p. 9. (Ingozi
 kwabathenge eMadolobheni)
 C.W. de Kiewiet : A History of South Africa. Social
 and Economic, p. 195.
 Ibid.
205
 in tilt: squattt:r art:<e> ui Cato Manor and Booth Road.
 To extend urban development and to contain social problems that usually arise in
 neighbouring areas, it becomes necessary to incorporate certain areas under municipal
 control. The phenomenon of urbanising rural areas or informal settlements situated
 close to town causes contlict between local authorities and the people inhabiting such
 areas. The commission appointed to consider and report upon the extension of
 boundaries in Durban stressed this point as follows:
 The attempt to unite these to the parent body leads inevitably
 to iriction and to controversy, often of a protracted
 nature. m
 The t:xtension oi boundaries tn highly industrialised towns has become common
 pr,u;tico:. Besides Durban, other centres in South Africa which have faced similar
 issues art: Cape Town, Johannesburg and Pretoria. 756 In the case of Cape Town
 and Johannesburg, the extension of boundaries has taken place on a considerable
 extent. 7;7
 The dispute and controversy that arose from the incorporation of UmIazi Mission
 under Durban was a result of this economic process.
 It is noteworthy, however, that although the land problem of UmIazi Mission was a
 result of a combination of many factors, it was seen by the Smuts government as a
 social problem emanating from changed economic conditions. It was mainly because
 of this reason that the Government of the day left the problem to such bodies as the
 Durban City Council, the Provincial Administration, the Housing Boards and
 Commissions.
 7.55
 756
 137
 Report of a Commission Appointed to consider and
 report upon Extension of Boundaries N.O.P. 8/1/8.
206
 For almost seven years (1942-1948) these bodies attempted to make a meticulous and
 objective study of all the problems that affected the Blacks not only in Umlazi
 Mission but also in Durban as a whole.
 The conclusion can be drawn that the Smuts Government sought to uphold justice by
 not taking a unilateral decision on the issue. The mere fact that negotiations between
 the various parties lasted for seven years and the fact that Blacks were also part of
 the negotiating forum, are indicators that democratic principles were being followed
 to some extent. Furthermore, as indicated, at first the government appointed Native
 Affairs Commission rejected the proposal of the Durban City Council to incorporate
 Umlazi Mission. This also signalled that the Commission was striving for equity.
 Lastly, it is recommended that further research be done on Umlazi Mission to unearth
 more information that may throw more light on aspects that were treated superficially
 in this study. Research can further be carried out to trace the events and developments
 between say 1948-1965, that culminated in the actual conversion of Umlazi Mission
 Reserve into an urban township.
 Such research. would complete this vast but fascinating subject. A study of the
 development of Umlazi Mission from a rural area into an urban township may be a
 worthwhile exercise. It is hoped that research on the urbanisation of Umlazi Mission
 may serve as a vital contribution to development studies and to South African urban
 historiography.
207
 SOURCES
 A. GENERAL WORKS
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 for Promotinl: Christian Knowledge 1698 - 1898. Burt Franklin, New York, 1898.
 Brookes, E.: The History of Native Policy in South Africa from 1830 to the Present
 Day. J.L. van Schaik, Pretoria, 1927.
 Brookes, E.: Apartheid a Documentary Study of Modem South Africa. Routledge
 and Kegan Paul, London, 1968.
 Brookes, E. and de Webb, C.: A History of Natal. University of Natal Press,
 1965.
 Brookes, E. and Hurwitz N.: The Native Reserves of Natal. Oxford Press, Cape
 Town, 1951.
 Brookes, E. : A Century of Missions in Natal and Zululand. E.P. and Commercial,
 Pty Ltd, 1936.
 Burnett, B.B.
 (Undated).
 The Anl:licans in Natal. Church-Wardens, St Pauls, Durban.
 Callinicos, L.: Gold and Workers 1886 - 1924 A Poople's History of South Africa
 Vo!. I. Ravan Press, Johannesburg, 1980.
 Chase, Le.: The Natal Papers. C. Struik (Pty) Ltd, Cape Town, 1968.
 Cloete, H.: Five Lectures. Saul Solomon Co., Cape Town, 1856.
 Colenso, J.W. : Ten Weeks in Natal. MacMillan & Co., Cambridge, 1855.
 Davenport, R.H.: South Africa A Modem History. MacMillan, South Africa, Pty
 Ltd, 1980.
 Davies, H.: Great South African Christians. Oxford University Press, 1951.
 de Kiewiet C.W.: A History of South Africa. Social and Economjc. Oxford
 University Press, 1941.
 du Plessis, J. : A History of Christian Missions in South Africa. C. Struik, Cape
 Town, 1965. .
 Eybers, G.W. (Ed.): select Constitutional Documents illustratin& South African
 History 1795 - 1910. George Routiedge & Sons Limited, New York: E.P. Dutton
208
 & Co., 1918.
 Geen. M. : The Making of South Africa. Maskew Miller Ltd, 1975.
 Hanersley. A.F.: More Annals of Natal. Shuter and Shooter, Pietermaritzburg,
 1936.
 Hattersley, A.F.,: Later Annals of Natal. Longmans, Green and Co., London, New
 York and Toronto. 1938.
 Hattersley, A.F. The British Settlement of Natal. Cambridge University Press,
 1950.
 Holden, W.C. History of the Colony of Natal. C. Struik (Pty) Ltd, Cape Town,
 196.1.
 Kotze, 0.1.: Archives Year Book of South Africa 1958 Part 1. Government Printer,
 Cape Town, 1958.
 Kruger, D. W. : The Making of a Nation. MacMillan, South Africa, 1969.
 Luthuli, A. : Let My People Go. Collins Clear Type Press, London and Glasgow,
 1962.
 Maasdorp, G. and Humphreys, A.S.B. (Eds) From Shantytown to Township. Juta
 and Company Ltd, Cape Town, 1975.
 MacKenzie, A. (Ed) : Mission Life Among the Zulu Kafirs. Bembrose and Sons,
 London, 1866.
 MacKenzie, A. (Ed) The Net Cast in ManY Waters 0867>. Bembrose and Sons,
 London, 1867.
 Muller, C.F.J. (Ed) 500 Years a HistOlY of South Africa. Academica, Pretoria,
 1969.
 Omer-Cooper, J.D. : A HjstOlY of Southern Africa.
 David PhiJip Publisher Pty Ltd, Claremont, 1987.
 Smith, E. : The Life and Times of Daniel Undley. Epworth Press, London, 1949.
 Sullivan, J.R. : The Native Policy of Sir Tht;QRhilus Shepstone. Walker and
 Snashall Ltd, Johannesburg, 1928.
 Tatz, C.M. : Shadow and Substance in South Africa. University of Natal Press,
 Pietermaritzburg, 1962.
 '.
209
 B. UNPUBLISHED DISSERTATIONS AND THESES
 Burnett, B. : The Missionary Work of the First Anglican Bishop of Natal Rt. Rev.
 John Colenso D.D. Between the Years 1852 - [873. Unpublished M.A. Dissertation,
 Rhodes University, 1947.
 Dinnerstein, M.: The American Board Mission to the Zulu 1835 - [900.
 Unpublished Ph.- d. Thesis, Columbia University, 1982.
 Kuzwayo, A.W.Z.: A History of Ethiopianism in South Africa with Particular
 reference to the American Zulu Mission from [835 - 1908. Unpublished M.A.
 Dissertation, UNISA, 1979.
 Masilela, B. E.T. : The History of Missions in Zululand with special reference to
 Entumeni and Eshowe Missions, [835 - [983. Unpublished M.A. Dissertation,
 UNIZUL, 1984.
 Mphahlele, M. C.1. : The Methodist Venture in Education at IGlnerton 1886 - 1962
 An Historica[ Survey. Unpublished M. Ed. Dissertation, UNIN, 1972.
 C. ARTICLES IN JOURNALS
 Torr, L. : The History of Lamont, [933 - [973. (Journal of the Natal Teachers
 Association. VoL 24, November 1984).
 D. NEWSPAPERS
 The Natal Mercury: 31.1.1857; 9.2.1905; 3.5.1910; 30.11.1931; 28.12.1946;
 11.1.1946.
 The Natal Daily News: 31.1.1942; 26.1.1942; 6.11.1943; 9.11.1943; 10.11.1943;
 16.11.1943; 19.11.1943; 16.12.1943; 18.12.1943.
 llanga I.a.., Nataii: 14.1.1927; 1.7.1927; 9.9.1927; 4.11.1927; 3.3.1933; 31.4.1933;
 15.2.1936; 28.3.1936; 30.5.1936; 22.7.1939; 7.2.1942; 7.3.1942; 11.8.1942;
 19.9.1942; 2.10.1943; 29.1.1944.
 E. INTERVIEW
 Nzimande, A.M. Senior Resident ofUmIazi Mission Station (now deceasM), 596
 Section N, Umlazi Township, P.O. UmIazi.
210
 F. OFFICIAL PUBLlCATIO S
 Acts of the Parliamelll of the Colony of Nalal 1895, 1903 and 1910.
 British Parliamentary Papers (Nalal), Volumes 18 and 29.
 Natal Blue Book On Native Affairs, 1845 - 1860.
 Ofticial Year BoOk of [he Union of South Africa No. 4 1910 - 1920, The Government
 Priming and Stationary Office, 1921 Pretoria.
 Selected Documents Presented, Legislative Council, Nalal, 1857 - 1861.
 Statistics of Natal 1945 -1899, Vol I (Aliens Missionary Bodies).
 Statutes of the Union of South Africa 1912, 1913, 1919 and 1934.
 G. ARCHIVAL SOURCES
 I. Durban Municipal Library (Don African Library)
 (i) Minutes
 Mayors Minute, Volumes 1927 - 1948.
 Minutes of Lamont Native Location Advisory Boards, 24 August 1938.
 Minutes of Council-in-Committee, 15 September, 1943, Durban Town
 Clerk File No. 1/1/1/2/12.
 Notes of Proceedings at Informal meetings between City Councillors,
 Durban Senators, Members of Parliament and Provincial Councillors,
 5 January, 1945.
 (ii) Reports
 Jubilee of the American Board Mission.
 Report of the Town Cleric to the Mayor and Councillors of the
 Borough of Durban, 12 November 1917.
 Report of the Boundaries Commission, 1929.
 Report of the Commission on Native Affairs, Durban, 1947.
211
 Memorandum for the Judicial Commission on Native Affairs (Chapters
 VI - IX).
 Report of the Durban Borough Extension Enquiry Commission File
 o. 3/DBN 14/4/1.
 Report of the Estates Manager, 28 February 1929, Durban Town Clerk
 File No. 643J 18 Vo!. II.
 Report of the City Council's Special Post-War Development
 Committee, Memorandum for the Judicial Commission on Native
 Affairs (Chapter VI - IX).
 Report of Native Affairs Commission (Annexure E), 4 April 1946.
 Memorandum for the Judicial Commission on Native Affairs (Chapter
 VI - IX).
 Report of L.J. Chester, Native Administration Department, Durban,
 (Annexure E) 13 February 1946. Memorandum for the Judicial
 Commission on Native Affairs (Chapter VI - IX).
 Report of H.A. Smith, City and Water Engineer, Durban (Annexure
 D) I I February 1946, Memorandum for the Judicial Commission on
 Native Affairs (Chapter VI - IX).
 Report of City and Water Engineer (Annexure G) 17 July 1946.
 . Memorandum for the judicial Commission on Native Affairs (Chapter
 VI - IX).
 Report of the Commission appointed to consider and report on
 Extension of Boundaries O.P. 8/1/8.
 (iii) Correspondence
 Town Clerk of Durban to the Anglican Trust Board, Town Clerk.
 File No. 643/1 18 Vo!. 6.
 Medical Officer to Town Clerk, Durban, 4 December 1934.
 Town Clerk File No. 643/J 17 Vo!. 3.
 Town Clerk of Durban to Secretary for Public Health, Department of
 Public Health, Pretoria, 10 December 1934, Town Clerk File No.
 643/J 17 Vo!. 3.
212
 Emmanuel Mohlala to Councillor J.L. Farrel, 21 December 1934,
 Town Clerk File No. 643/J 18 Vo!. 6.
 A.F. Christofersen, Hon, Secretary and Treasurer, Natal Mission
 Conference to the Town Clerk, Durban, File No. 643/J 18 Vo!. 2.
 Chief Native Commissioner Natal, to Town Clerk, Durban (Annexure
 C), Memorandum for the Judicial Commission on Native Affairs in
 Durban (Chapter VI - IX).
 Town Clerk of Durban to the Minister of Native Affairs (Annexure
 Al, February 1945, in Memorandum for the Judicial Commission on
 Native Affairs (Chapter VI - lX).
 2. Witwatersrand University Library, Anglican Church Archives
 Correspondence
 Rev. Walter Baugh to Rt. Rev. Bishop Gray, the Lord Bishop of Cape Town,
 Metropolitan of South Africa, May 6, 1864 B.A. 14 - Reports on Natal
 Stations.
 3. State Archives Depot, Pietenilaritzburg
 (i) Correspondence of Secretary for Native Affairs
 SNA File No. 1/1/243.
 SNA File No. 922/1886.
 SNA File No. 1/1/387.
 SNA File No. 473/1910.
 SNA File No. 468/1910.
 (ii) Chief Native Commissioner
 CNC File No. 203, 1915/1387.
 CNC File No. 1917/310.
 CNC File No. 2343/1912.
 CNC File No. 310/387.
 CNC File No. 18822038, 1918/328.
 4. State Archives Depot, Pretoria
 NTS 915/56 Umlazi Mission Reserve Evidence. 1947
 Evidence of the Bishop of Natal (Annexure H).
 Evidence of Rev. A.H. Zulu.
213
 Evidence of Chief A. Luthuli.
 Evidence of H.C.R. Meyer, Senior Agricultural Officer, Native Affairs
 Department.
 Evidence of Senator Shepstone.
 Evidence of the Anglican Bishop of Natal.
 Evidence of the American Board Mission Representatives (Annexure H).
 Evidence of Dr Brueckner.
 Evidence of D. Mthimkhulu and S. Ngcobo.
 Evidence of the Local Health Commission.
 Memorandum to the Native Affairs Commission from the Umlazi Mission
 Reserve representatives (Annexure C).
 Memorandum to the Native Affairs Commission from the Natal Mission
 Reserve Association (Annexure Dj.